https://hemerotecadigital.uanl.mx/files/original/337/14321/PERSPECTIVAS_SOCIALES._1997._Vol._1._No._1._0002016255.ocr.pdf 5729bcd05ea60a977ad9965cc9620622 PDF Text Text Vol.1, Nº 1 ISSN 1405-1133 1997 SOCIAL PERSPECTIVES PERSPECTIVAS SOCIALES Published / Publicado por: The School of Social V\/ork, UT Austin Facultad de Trabajo Social, UANL ��CONTENTS/CONTENIDO Esthela Gutierrez Garza Los polos dinámicos de la industrialización. La industria moderna y la industria maquiladora. Nuevo León: 1988-1995 Manuel Ribeiro Ferreira Women's extradomestic work and marital relations in Mexico María O/ivia Vil/arrea/ Solano Management of work and mothering res1>onsibilities among bluecoUar Chicana and Mexican innligrant women Laura Lein and Yolanda Padilla Hispanic children on the Texas-Mexican border Frank E Montalvo Cbasing Myth and Taboos About Race and Latinos Cora Le-Doux Tbe Voice of Social Work in the lnvnigration Debate i �PERSPECTWAS SOCIALES SOCIAL PERSPECTIVES FACULTAD DE TRABA.JO SOCIAL UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE NUEVO LEÓN SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN Nº 1 Primer semestre/ first semester 1997 �Editorial Comment C0NTENTS/CONTENIDO Esthe/a G~tierrez Garza Los polos dinámicos do la indu~rialiZáción. La industria moderna y la industria maquiladora. Nuevo León: 1988-1995 11 Manuel R;beiro Ferreira Women's extradomestic wotk and marital relations in Mexico 39 María OIIVla Vil/arrea/ Solano Management of wotk and mothering responsibilities among blue-c-0llar Chicana and Mexican immigiant women SI Laura Lein and Yolanda Padilla Hispanic children on the Texas-Mexican border The journal will include papers that can be expected to be of interest to social workers and social work educators in Mexico and in the United States, including: 87 •Articles dealing with issues connected to the U.S.Mexico border and persons moving in both directions across that border; Cora Le-Doux The voice of Social Work in the immigration debate Papers will be published in either Spanish or in English, with an abstract in both languages. Subrnissions for the next issue are invited. Submissions from authors in Mexico should be sent directly to Dr. Ribeiro; subrnissions from authors in the United States should be sent to Dr. Austin, to be forwarded to Dr. Ribeiro. All subrnissions will be reviewed by members of the Editorial Council both in the United States and in Mexico. 77 Frank F Montalvo Chasing myth and taboos about race and Latinos This is the first issue of Perspectivas Sociales/Social Perspectives, a joint publication initiative of the Facultad de Trabajo Social of the Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, and the School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Austin, together with the support of three other schools of soetal work: the Worden School of Social Service, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio; the School of Social Work, University of Southern California, Los Angeles; and the Department of Social Welfare, The University of California at Los Angeles. Dr. Manuel Ribeiro and Dr. DavidM. Austin are serving as co-editors. Dr. Austin has seived as editor of the current issue; Dr. Ribeiro will serve as editor for the second issue. 107 •Articles dealing with research on social conditions which are common to both nations; •Articles dealing with social work practice issues that are common to individuals, families and communities in both nations; •Articles dealing with social policy issues that are common to both nations; •Articles dealing with social work education that are relevant to educators in both nations. We anticípate that these articles may be viewed very differently by scholars in each country. We would welcome your comments which can be sent to either of the co-editors at the addresses indicated. J �Comentario editorial Este es el primer número de la nueva versión de la revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives, publicación conjunta de la Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León y de la Escuela de Trabajo Social de la Universidad de Texas en Austin, con el apoyo de otras tres escuelas de trabajo social: The Worden School of Social Service, Our lady of The lake University, San Antonio; The School of Social Work, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, y The Department o/Social Welfare, The University ofCa/ifomia al los Angeles. El Dr. David Austin y El Doctor Manuel Ribeiro fungirán como coeditores. El Dr. Austin será el editor responsable para este número y el Dr. Ribeiro lo será para el siguiente. Social Perspectives / Perspectivas Sociales Co-editors / Coeditores David M Austin, Ph.D. The University ofTexas at Austin Manuel Ribeiro, Ph.D. / Raul Eduardo lópez, Ph.D. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Editorial Council / Consejo Editorial Renée Dandurand INRS Culture et Sociétés (Montreal) Germain Dulac, Ph.D. Los artículos serán publicados en español o en inglés, con un breve resumen en ambos idiomas. Invitamos a los académicos a someter sus trabajos para los próximos números. Los autores de México deberán enviar sus trabajos al Dr. Ribeiro y los autores de Estados Unidos deberán enviarlos al Dr. Austin, quien los turnará al Dr. Ribeiro. Todos los textos serán revisados por miembros del consejo editorial de ambos países. University of California at Los Angeles La revista incluirá trabajos que sean de interés para los trabajadores sociales y educadores de México y de los Estados Unidos, incluyendo: Cora le-Doux, Ph.D. Our Lady of the Lake University Artículos relacionados con la situación fronteriza entre México y los Estados Unidos; The University of Texas at Austin Artículos de investigación sobre las condiciones sociales de ambos países; Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Artículos referidos a la práctica del Trabajo Social en relación con individuos, familias y comunidades en· los dos países; The University of Texas at Austin Artículos sobre políticas sociales de ambos países; Artículos sobre educación en Trabajo Social. Anticipamos que los trabajos puedan ser contemplados de manera muy diferente por los académicos de cada país, por lo que agradeceremos que nos envíe sus comentarios. McGill University Todd Michae/ Franke, Ph.D. Esthela Gutierrez Garza, Ph.D. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Laura Lein, Ph.D. Freddy Mariñez, Ph.D. Yolanda Padilla, Ph.D., Ramon Salcido, Ph.D. University of Southem California Antonio Salgado, Ph.D. ITESM (Campus Querétaro) víctor Zúñiga, Ph.D. Universidad de Monterrey �Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León MANUSCRIPT STYLE GUIDE1 Rector: Dr. Reyes Tamez Guerra Preparation of Copy Facultad de Trabajo Social Manuscripts are evaluated by the editors and other referees. To permit anonymity, attach a cover page giving authorship and institutional affiliation, but provide only the title as means of identification on the manuscript itself. Submit at least three copies, and retain a copy for your own files. Manuscripts areaccepted subject to non-substantive editing. Prepare copy as follows: Directora: Lic. Ma. Irene Cantú Reyna Tbe University of Texas at Austin Presiden!: Dr. Robert M Berdahl The Scbool of Social Work l. 1'ype ali copy - including indented matter, footnotes and references- double-spaced on white standard paper. Lines should not exceed six inches. Dean: Dr. Barbara W White 2. 1'ype each table on a separate page. Insert a location note, e.g., «Table 2 about here», at the appropriate place in the text. The articles publis!Led in this joumal are solely the responsibility of the authors. All correspondence should be directed to: / Los artículos publicados en esta revista son responsabilidad exclusiva de los autores. Toda correspondencia deberá enviarse a: 3. Draw figures on white paper with India ink. Retain the original drawings for direct transmission to the printer, but send copies with the manuscript. 4. Clarify all symbols with words in the magin of the Manuel Ribeiro Ferreira Facultad de Trabajo Social Division de Estudios de Postgrado Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Ciudad Universitaria Monterrey, N.L. 66450 E-mail {mribeiro@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx) or David M A ustin Schoo/ ofSocial Work, D3500 The University o/Texas al Austin Austin, Texas 78712 E-mail (daustin@Jnail. utexas.edu) This issue / Tiraje: l 000 copies manuscript. Encircle these and other explanatory notes not intended for printing. Fonnat of References in Te:rt. Ali references to monographs, articles and statistical sources are to be identified at an appropriate point in the text by last name of author, year publication, and pagination where appropriate ali within parentheses. Footnotes are to be used only for substantive observations, and not for purpose of citation. There is no need for «Ibid», «op. cit.», or «loe. cit»; specify subsequent citations of the same source in the same way as the first citation. Examples follow: l. Ifauthor's name is in the text, follow it with year in parentheses. [« ...Duncan (1959) has proven that...»]. If author's name is not in the text, insert at an appropriate point the last name and year, separated by comma [«. .. sorne have claimed (cf. Gouldner, 1963) that...»]. ISSN: 1405-1133 Printed in / Impreso en: Monterrey, N.L., Mexico 2. Pagination (without «p» or «pp») follows year of publication, separated by colon. [« .. .it has been noted (Lipset, 1964: 61-64) that... »]. Incorporate within parentheses any brief phrase associated with reference. [« ...have claimed that this is so (but see Jones, 1952:99 for a conflicting view»). ] . 'Reprinted with pennissicn frorn the American Sociological Associaticn �3. With dual authorship, give both last names; for more than tv.o, use «et al.». For institutional authorship supply mínimum identification from the beginning of the complete citation. («... occupational data (U.S . Bureau ofthe Census, 1963: 117) reveal ... »]. 4. lf there is more than one reference to the same author arid year, distinguish them by use of letters (a,b) attached to year ofpublication, in text and in reference appendix. [« ... as was previously suggested (Levy, 1965 a: 33 l ) ... »]. 5. Enclose a series of references within a single pair of parentheses and separate by semicolons. [«. .. as many have noted (Johnson, 1942: Perry, 1947; Lindquist, 1948)...»]. Format of References in Appendix List ali items alphabetically by author ¡uid, within author, by year of publication, in an appendix, titled «REFERENCES». Use no italics and no abbreviations F'or typing fomtat, see the following examples: Davis, K. (1963a) «Toe theory of change and response in modem demograpluc history». Popuwtion lndex, 29 (October): 345-366. (1963b) «Social demography», pp. 204-221 , in: Bemard Berelson (ed.), The Behavioral Sciences Today. New York: Basic Books. Goode, W. J. (1967) «The protection of the inept». A mer ican Sociolugical Revie w, 32 (February): 5-19. Moore, Wtlbert E. and Amold S. Feldman (1960) labor Commilmenl and Social Change in Developing Areas. New York: Social Science Resea.r ch Council. NORMAS DE E~ICIÓN Preparación del manuscrito Los manuscritos serán evaluados por los editores y por los miembros del Comité de Redacción. P'ara permitir el anonimato, se debe adjwitar una página de portada en la que se indique con claridad el nombre del autor, su afiliación institucional y el título del articulo, el cual servirá como medio de identificación del documento. Deberán enviarse al menos tres copias del manuscrito. Los manuscritos son aceptados sin garantía de que serán editados. Las copias deberán presentarse de la siguiente manera: l . Escriba el documento -incluyendo el texto principal, las notas de pie de página y las referencias- a doble espacio en papel blanco, tamaño carta. Las líneas no deben exeder seis pulgadas. 2. Escriba cada tabla o figura en una página separada. Inserte una nota indicativa en el lugar apropiado en el texto. Por ejemplo: «El cuadro 2 va aquí». 3. Dibuje las figuras en papel blanco con tinta china. Conserve los dibujos originales para ser ransmitidos directamente a la imprenta, pero envíe copias con el manuscrito. Las figuras hechas en algún graficador o programa informatizado de dibujo deberán enviarse en un archivo separado, especificando el programa en el que fueron hechas. 4. Explique con palabras los símbolos utilizados; haga esto en los márgenes del manuscrito. Ponga dentro de círculos éstas y otras notas explicatorias que no vayan a ser impresas. Formato de las referencias en el texto Sanford, Nevitt (ed.) (1962) The American College. New York: Wtley. Todas las referencias de monografías, artículos y fuentes estadísticas deben ser claramente identificadas en el lugar apropiado en el texto por el apellido del autor, el año de la publicación y el número de página (cuando proceda), todo ello entre paréntesis. Las notas de pie de página deben utilizarse únicamente para observaciones y aclaracier . nes y no con el propósito de hacer citas bibliográficas. No es necesario utilizar los términos «ibid», «op. cit>> o «loe. cit.»; especifique las citas subsecuentes de una misma fuente de la misma manera que lo hizo la primera vez. Ejemplos: 1. Si el nombre del autor forma parte del texto, debe ser seguido del año entre paréntesis: [« ... Duncan(l959)demostró que... »]. Si el nombre del autor no está en el texto, inserte en el lugar j �11 apropiado el apellido y el año, separados por un coma, y todo ello entre paréntesis: [« ... algunos han propuesto (cf. Gouldner, 1963) que...»]. 2. Las referencias de números de páginas (sin utilizar "p." o "pp.") deben seguir al año de publicación, separadas por dos puntos: [«se ha hecho notar (Lipset, 1964:61-64) que...»]. Incorpore entre paréntesis cualquier frase breve asociada con una referencia: [«...han señalado que ésto es así (pero véase Jones, 1952:99 pora un punto de vista opuesto).»]. 3. Para referencias de dos autores, utilice solamente los apellidos; para más de dos autores, utilice 'y otros". Para autorías institucionales, proporcione el mínimo posible de información desde el principio de la cita: [«.. .los datos sobre ocupación (U.S. Bureau ofThe Census, 1963: 117) revelan...»]. 4. Si hay más de una referencia del mismo autor y del mismo año, distinga la fuente utilizando letras ("a,b, etc.") pegadas al año de publicación, tanto en el texto como en el apéndice bibliográfico: [«. .. como fue sugerido anteriormente (Levy, l 965a:33 l)»]. 5. Cuando realice una serie de referencias, inclúyalas dentro de paréntesis y separadas por punto y coma: [«. ..como mu-::hos han señalado (Johnson, 1942; Perry, 1947; Lindquist, 1948)... »]. Formato de las referencias en el apendice bibliográfico Enliste todas las referencias en orden alfabético por autor, por año de publicación en un apéndice titulado «bibliografía». No emplee abreviaciones. Para el formato tipográfico, vea los ejemplos siguientes: Davis, Kingsley (1963a) «The theory of change and response in modem demographic history». Population Index 29 (October): 345-366. (1963b) «Social demography», pp. 204-221, en: Bemard Berelson (ed.J, The Behavioral Sciences Today. New York: Basi.c Books. Goode, W. J. (1967) «The protection of the inept». American Sociological Review, 32 (February): 5-19. Moore, Wtlbert E . y Amold S. Feldm.an (1960) Labor Commitmenl and Social Change in Developing Areas. New York Social Science Research Council Sanford, Nevitt (ed.) (1962) The American College. New York Wll.ey. Los polos dinámicos de la industrialización. La industria moderna y la industria maquiladora Nuevo León: 1988-1995 Esthela Gutiérrez Garza Resumen. Este artículo analiza los efectos del modelo macroeconómico de apertura comercial sobre la competitividad, las empresas y el empleo en la industria moderna y la industria maquiladora de la zona metropolitana de la ciudad de Monterrey. El estudio demuestra que dicho modelo se sostiene en estos dos polos de crecimiento industrial de la región manifestado por su crecimiento en la producción, las expo1taciones y la generación de empleo. El trabajo subraya que el crecimiento del empleo es diferenciado. Muy dinámico en la maquiladora y muy lento en la moderna Resalta también que ambas industrias SQn portadores de ofertas sociales antagónicas. La industria moderna, aunque con lento crecimiento del empleo, produce fuentes de trabajo calificado y altamente remunerados. Por el contrario la industria maquiladora, con una oferta dinámica de empleos, produce puestos de trabajo que no requieren calificación y con salarios mínimos. La reflexión final del trabajo se centra sobre la interrogante: ¿Cuál de ambas tendencias dinámicas será la dominante el el futuro de la industrialización de Nuevo León ? Summary This article, analyze the effects of the macroeconomics model of commercial opening on the competitiveness, the companies and the employment in the modern industry and the industry maquiladora of Nuevo León, México. The study demonstrates that model statement is sustained in these two poles of industrial growth of the region manifested by their increase in the production, the exports and the generation of employment. The work underlines that the growth of the employment is differentiated. Very dynamic in the maquiladora and very slow in the modem industry. lt also stand out that both industries are payees of opposites social offers. The modem industry, although with slow growth of the employment, produce sources of qualified work and highly salaries. On the contrary the industry maquiladora, with a dynamic offer ofemployments, produce positions of work that don't require qualifícation and with minimum wages. The final reflection of the work is centered on the query: Who it of �13 12 both dynamic tendencies will be the dominant the future of the industrialization of the state of Nuevo León? La apertura comercial y el Tratado de Libre Comercio. El futuro de la industrialización en México está vinculado a· dos procesos que caracterizan la coyuntura internacional. El primero está relacionado con la introducción de nuevas tecnologías computarizadas en los sistemas de máquinas de las industrias. El segundo tiene que ver con el posicionamiento de las empresas transnacionales en los mercados externos, situación que ha orillado a los países, en tanto Estado-Nación, a ir abandonando las medidas proteccionistas y avanzar hacia economías abiertas. Ambas tendencias se ubican en el terreno de las estrategias a largo plazo que están implementando los países en el contexto de la globalización económica contemporánea. En consecuencia, estas realidades, nuevas tecnologías, competitividad internacional y apertura comercial, ubicadas a nivel macroeconómico, son el centro de las tendencias recientes de la organización industrial que, a nivel micro, se armonizan mediante la introducción en las empresas de otras medidas organizacionales basadas en los principios de la Calidad Total y el sistema Justo a Tiempo. En este nuevo contexto, los escenarios tradicionales de actividad industrial, como lo son la industria moderna, la industria tradicional y la maquiladora, verifican un abanico de transformaciones cuyos resultados son la producción flexible, la descentralización productiva y la subcontratación nacional e internacional. En esta etapa de globalización, México aparece como la plataforma por ·excelencia en la cual las empresas norteamericanas pueden subcontratary descentralizar su producción. A su vez, Estados Unidos sutge como un mercado accesible para las pujantes empresas ex_pQrtadoras mexicanas. En efecto, a lo largo de la historia reciente de las relaciones entre México y los Estados Unidos, se ha ido configurando una integración "silenciosa" en el ámbito de sus economías y de sus sociedades. Inversión, tecnolegia, comercio, migración y drogas han constituido tópicos de interés que han propiciado múltiples acuerdos bilaterales. Uno de ellos, que se destaca por su importancia en el contexto de la crisis económica actual, lo es sin lugar a dudas el acuerdo sobre la industria maquíladora Las lecciones que podemos derivar del desarrollo de esta industria a partir de la década de los ochenta, giran en tomo a dos realidades fundamentales : para los Estados Unidos, el modelo maquiladora ha coadyuvado a aumentar la competitividad de las firmas norteamericanas. Para México, la maquiladora, ha contribuido principalmente a la creación de empleos y abre la posibilidad de crear encadenamientos productivos que abastezcan la demanda de insumos de la maquila. La fuerza de esta tendencia económica se consolidó a principios 'de los años noventa con el diseño de ·un acuerdo más amplio, el Tratado de Libre Comercio, lo que implicó para México instrumentar una serie de medidas que aceleraran la transición de México, de país centrado en el proteccionismo, a la conformación de una economía abierta. En este proceso, prevaleció la idea de que la apertura comercial debería ser : * Global, es decir debería incluir a todos los sectores. * Implantarse lo más rápidamente posible, " ...para vencer la resistencia que pudieran oponer los grupos de productores ineficientes ( ... ) y cuyos intereses van a ser afectados por las medidas". * Unilateral, porque " ... representa en la práctica un prerrequisito para poder avanzar en la integración a la economía mundial" (Aspe, 1993:140-141). Por consiguiente, en 1985 México suprimió los permisos previos de importación sobre el 80% de las fracciones arancelarias sujetas a restricciones cuantitativas. En 1986 ingresa al GATT,. Para 1988 la tasa arancelaria mas alta descendió de 100 a 20% y el número de artículos sujetos a restricciones cuantitativas pasó·de 1200 a 325. Para finales de 199 l , menos del 10% del valor de las importaciones estaba sujeto a permisos de importación, el nivel más bajo en 36 años (Aspe, 1993: 13 7). En noviembre de I 993 se consolidó este proceso institucional de apertura comercial con la fuma del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre los Estados Unidos y Canadá. Efectivamente, la apertura comercial fue concebida como instrumento de un programa más amplio de reforma estructural. Un instrumento capaz de propiciar procesos de modernización industrial necesarios para que la economía mexicana pudiera alcanzar una mejor inserción en la globalización de la economía mundial. �15 14 El objetivo principal de este modelo de desarrollo se centraría en generar un polo modernizador de la economía, orientado tanto hacia el mercado interno como el externo, lo suficientemente dinámico como para ser capaz de incorporar a otros sectores de menor productividad mediante encadenamientos productivos secundarios. El resultado de todo ello seria el crecimiento de las empresas, de su producción. y el empleo en el nuevo contexto de las economías abiertas. Este proceso, que ya cumplió ocho años, ha afectado de manera diferenciada a los diversos sectores de actividad económica, así como a los distintos estratos que la conforman. En el sector de la industria de la transformación, muchas empresas se han visto desplazadas del mercado y han sido obligadas a cerrar sus fábricas. Otras han logrado convertir sus actividades industriales en comerciales, aprovechando la red de relaciones previamente establecidas en sus negocios. Otras han consolidado su posición económica y forman parte de las industrias que tienen futuro de desarrollo competitivo. En suma se han profundizado los viejos problemas de la sociedad dual de los países periféricos. Así, la realidad se ha dividido en dos sectores. El de los ganadores, aquellos que han logrado obtener beneficios en la aplicación de este modelo, desarrollando un proceso de integración con la economía mundial. En situación contraria se encuentra el sector de los perdedores, aquellos que han visto debilitado su posicionamiento socioeconórnico o, de manera preocupante, que han quedado excluidos del proceso de producción y distribución de la riqueza social generada en el país. es menor a la unidad nos señala una situación de baja competitividad, observamos que en 1988, la industria manufacturera de Nuevo León tenía un coeficiente base de exportación que, siendo de l .13 decreció a 0.60 en 1994. Es decir, la balanza comercial pasó de un superávit de 94.2 millones de dólares a un déficit de 1,084 millones de dólares en ese periodo. Debido a la devaluación del 80% y a la caída del 5.8% del PIB en el primer semestre de l 995, el coeficiente se elevó a 0.92 con un déficit de 108.4 millones de dólares . Cuadro 1 Coeficiente base de exportación· Nuevo León, 1988-1995 - · idad ¡alimentos (31) 88 89 90 91 92 94 95·· 0.4 0.38 0.63 0.27 0.2 0.25 0.66 ibebidas (3 1) 25.43 24.51 11.91 3.34 0.65 1.69 4.05 cigarros (3 1) 0.24 0.29 37.16 3 .03 2.67 ND ND ltext.il y prendas de ve&ir (32) 4.34 2.46 0.6 0.26 0.22 l.14 1.58 calzado (32) 0.53 1.3 1.17 0 .94 0.48 0 .91 1.17 ¡madera (33) 2.26 1.55 1.16 0.56 0.37 0 .50 0.80 papel editorial e impresioo. (34) 0.68 0.62 0.26 0.1 0.05 0 .90 0.36 química (35) 1.09 1.11 1.26 0.75 0.7 0 .37 0.16 En este trabajo analizaremos la situación de los sectores favorecidos por el modelo. ¡o.ule y plalrico (35) 0.64 0.67 0.75 0.37 0.36 0.31 0.29 ~erales no mrtalicos (36) 13.09 9.32 7.71 4.31 4.88 5.11 8.17 2. La Erosión de la Competitividad vs el Crecimiento de las Exportaciones. ¡metálicas básicas (37) 2.1 1.46 0.68 0.38 0.35 0.41 1.66 ¡metal mecánica (38) 1.05 0.98 0.43 0.62 0.63 0.90 0.9 1 ¡maquinaria y equipo (38) 0.68 0.75 0.31 0 .3 0.3 0.40 0.74 otras indusrias (39) 0.43 0.16 0.23 0.2 1 0.1 0.99 1.73_ 1.13 1 0.73 0 .53 0.49 0 .60 0.92 2.1 La erosión de la competitividad. Dentro de los grandes problemas productivos destaca la erosión progresiva de la competitivad de la industria manufacturera en Nuevo León, a pesar de ser un estado que se caracteriza por ser una región industrial con niveles de competitividad por encima de la media nacional. Si nos basamos en el coeficiente base de exportación (exportaciones/ importaciones)-coeficiente que cuando es mayor a l nos indica que las industrias se encuentran en una situación competitiva, y cuando Wal .. * Coeficiente base de expOS1.CJ.én = Exportaames / Importaaones ** Dato a mayo de 1995 Fuente: SECOFI, Delegacién Nuevo Leén, 1988-1995. Un análisis desagregado del comportamiento del comercio internacional de la industria manufacturera de Nuevo León nos permite observar �17 16 que, en 1988 siete ramas mantenían una posición competitiva importante. Por ejemplo, en el producto de Bebidas, el coeficiente de exportación era de 25.43, situación que evidenciaba la bonanza en que puede encontrarse una rama que, alcanzando los niveles mínimos de competitividad internacional, se beneficia de las medidas proteccionistas que estaban vigentes. Minerales no metálicos, textil y prendas de vestir también sostenían una destacada posición competitiva pues sus coeficientes de exportación eran de 13.09 y 4.34, respectivamente. También tenían una buena situación competitiva la industria de la madera (2.26), la metálica básica (2.1 O), la química (1.09) y la metalmecánica (excluyendo maquinaria y equipo) cuyo coeficiente base de exportación era 1.05. El resto de las ramas, se encontraban en el rango de baja competitividad, con coeficientes inferiores a la unidad. Éste era el caso de la rama de maquinaria y equipo, así como, papel, editorial e impresión con un coeficiente de exportación de 0.68; hule y plástico con 0.64; cuero y calzado 0.53; alimentos 0.40 y cigarros con un coeficiente de exportación de 10.24. Como podemos observar, las cinco ramas más importantes de la manufactura de Nuevo León -alimentos, química, minerales no metáHcos, metálicas básicas y Metalmecánica, que en su conjunto aportan el 80% de laproducción-, (con la sola excepción de alimentos) tenían niveles de competitividad satisfactorios, colocando a la industria en su conjunto en una posición superavitaria en la balanza comercial en el año de 1988. Siete años después, la industria manufacturera estaba agobiada por fuertes tensiones. En 1994, de las siete ramas que mantenían una situación competitiva y superavitaria en la balanza comercial, sólo tres ramas industriales, bebidas, textil, y minerales no metálicos, sostuvieron su posición competitiva, con un co.eficiente base de exportación de l. 7, 1.1 y 5. 1, respectivamente en dicho año. Aún así, observamos el fuerte reacomodo que sufrió en el escenario del comercio internacional pues recordemos que en 1988 su coeficiente era de 25.4, 4.3 y 13. 1 respectivamente (Cuadro 1). Esta situación, de la actuación de la industria manufacturera en el comercio internacional una vez que se abandona por completo el proteccionismo, manifiesta la enorme brecha en la competitividad que existe en la gran mayoría de las ramas y sub-ramas de la industria regiomontana. El crecimiento de las exportaciones. El modelo macroeconómico de apertura comercial y estabilización económica ha propiciado indiscutiblemente el crecimiento de las exportaciones. En Nuevo León de 1990 a 1994 crecieron a una tasa promedio anual de 35%; es decir, de 872 millones de dólares que se exportaban en 1990, pasaron a 2,668 en 1994 . Sin embargo, un análisis desagregado de las exportaciones nos indica que fue la industria maquiladora la que tuvo el comportamiento más dinámico, pues sus exportaciones crecieron un 50% anual en promedio y el resto de las industrias tuvieron un crecimiento anual promedio de 41 % en dicho periodo (Cuadro 2). Estos datos, contrastados con los datos de la erosión de la competitividad, nos indican la existencia de polos dinámicos de crecimiento dentro de la estructura manufacturera que-mayoritariamente se encuentra operando con sistemas produc~os atrasados e ineficientes. Esto en relación al nuevo contexto·macroeconórnico en que fueron colocadas las empresas por la política de cambio estructural del comercio exterior que impulsó el gobierno en esos años : apertura comercial global, unilateral y total. Cuadro 2 Exportaciones e importaciones•. Nuevo León, 1990-1994 -- -- -- - ~ -- EXPORTACIONES 90 91 Maquiladora 0.4 0.38 0.63 0.27 0.2 SO% Resto de empresas 25.43 24.51 11.91 3.34 0.65 41% Total 0.24 0.29 37.16 3.oJ 2.67 351/o Maquiladora / Total 32°/4 34% 34% 31% 360/o Maquiladora 234.7 390.0 499.8 581.6 819.3 38'/o Resto de empresas 958.7 2244.8 3188.0 2843.4 3598.6 481/, Total 1193.4 2634.8 3687.8 3425.0 4417.9 41% Maquiladora / Total 20% IMPORTACIONES 15¾ 14o/, 17% * Millones de dólares Fumte: SECOFI, Delegacién Nuevo León, 1990-1994.. 19¾ �19 18 Consecuentemente, la mayoría de las empresas se encontraron imposibilitadas para de ajustarse rápidamente a dichos cambios, razón por la cual, no sólo fueron in~paces de conquistar mercados externos, sino también perdieron su posición en el mercado interno. Esto es lo que nos indica la erosión de la competitividad anteriormente analizada, o sea que, las importaciones crecieron por encima de las exportaciones y la balanza comercial pasó de un superávit de 320.7 millones de dólares en 1988 a un déficit de -1 , 750.2 millones de dólares en 1994 (Cuadro 2). Los polos de crecimiento dinámico regional: la industria moderna y la industria maquiladora. De acuerdo a los datos con que disponemos, podemos afirmar que los polos dinámicos de la manufactura de Nuevo León están integrados por la industria moderna y la industria maquiladora. Esto se desprende del análisis del crecimiento de las empresas y del empleo por estrato de industria, donde observamos que el modelo macroeconómico de apertura comercial generó una sinergía destructiva para todos los estratos a excepción de la gran industria y la maquiladora. Esto se desprende del análisis del crecimiento de las empresa y del empleo por estrato industrial donde observamos que el modelo macroeconómico de apertura comercial genero una sinergía destructiva para todos los estratos, a excepción de las grandes industrias y la maquiladora. En efecto, en mayo de 1995 existían 1,391 empresas menos que en 1988; es decir, una pérdida del 20% de los establecimientos manufactureros. Sin embargo, la destrucción fue más severa si la comparamos con el año 1991. Justamente, en mayo de 1995 se habían cerrado el 40% de las industrias manufactureras de Nuevo León y el empleo se había contraído en un 10.6%. Efectivamente, en ese periodo el parque industrial perdió 3,489 empresas manufactureras y desaparecieron 23,229 empleos de la planta laboral. Obviamente, este proceso de destrucción - supresión no afectó a todos los sectores manufactureros de la misma manera, ni con la misma intensidad. Los sectores más perjudicados fueron las micro, pequeñas y medianas empresas. Estas representan el 95% de los establecí- mientos, generan el 26% de los empleos, y el 20% del valor de la producción aproximadamente. Su importancia productiva es incuestionable y dependiendo de las políticas industriales y los modelos de desarrollo regional pueden llegar a constituirse en la matriz determinante del crecimiento económico-social. Desafortunadamente, en México no existe ningún proyecto para estos sectores que esté suficientemente desarrollado, ni por las políticas públicas, ni por las políticas empresariales. Consecuentemente, su derrumbe ha sido estrepitoso. De 1991 a mayo de 1995 desaparecieron el 46% de las micro industrias, al pasar de 7,481 a 4,050 en dichos años. Su contracción en el empleo tuvo la misma intensidad, al pasar de 23,183 en el 91, a 15,042 en mayo de 95; es decir, una pérdida del 35% del empleo de dicho estrato industrial. La pequeña industria perdió el 20% de sus empresas, al reducirse de 1,134a 903, así como el 19% de los empleos, que pasaron de 42,506 en 1991, a 34, 506 en mayo de 1995. Si bien las medianas industrias también fueron abatidas por la erosión de la competitividad, sus efectos tuvieron una intensidad menor. De 168 empresas medianas que existían en 1991 , cerraron 20 para mayo de 1995, es decir una pérdida del (-9% ) de las industrias y lo mismo ocurrió con el empleo, que pasó de 129,000 a 124,000 personas ocupadas (-9°/o). Por el contrario la gran industria pasó de 148 a 149empresas y la contracción del empleo ( de 129,000 a 124,000 mil personas ocupadas) sólo fue del (-3. 7%) en dicho periodo (Cuadro 3). Cuadro 3 Crecimiento de las empresas y empleo Nuevo León, 1990-1994 Establecimientos Estratos de Empleo Industria 1988 1991 1995 var IMiC2"o 5777 74 81 4050 -46% 17789 23183 15042 -35. l '¾ Pequeña 795 1134 903 -20% 3 0625 42506 34506 -18.8% Mediana 147 168 147 -9% !Grande 114 148 149 0.7% 107595 128796 124089 -3.7% 6833 8931 5442 -40% 178438 220074 196845 -10.6'¾ 70 81 97 rrota1 Maquiladora . ., 39% 1988 1991 1995 var 22429 25589 23206 -9.3% 8500 9092 19538 115% • Vanacmn 1991-1995. Mioro=basta 15 trabajadores. Pequeiia=16 a 100. Medima= !Ol a 250. Grande= Más de 250 Fuente : CAINTRA Nuew León, 1988 a 1995. �21 20 La industria maquiladora constituye la gran excepción. El crecimiento de las industrias tuvo un promedio anual de 39% y el empleo creció un 115% en dicho periodo. De esta manera el empleo en la maquiladora aumentó su participación en el empleo total manufacturero . En 1988 representaba 3. 7%, y en 1994 aumentó al 8.8%. Como podemos observar, los polos dinámicos de la manufactura descansan principalmente en la maquiladora y en las grandes empresas y en algunos sectores restringidos de la mediana industria. Sus sistemas productivos, la capacidad de creación de empleos y la oferta social que generan en el ámbito del desarrollo regional son los aspectos que a continuación pasaremos a analizar. La industria moderna: la emergencia del ohnismo. A mediados de 1993 efectuamos una encuesta representativa entre las industrias manufactureras de Nuevo León que contaban con más de 99 personas ocupadas'. Corresponde según la clasificación de la Secretaria de Comercio y Fomento Industrial (SECOFI) a los estratos de la mediana y la grande industria. En dichos estratos se concentran 30 l empresas que representan el 5% de los establecimientos industriales, concentran el 75 % de la inversión, y el 74% de la producción y aportan el 78% del empleo en dicho estado (Cuadro 4). Obviamente, este universo manufacturero no es homogéneo, por el contrario, se encuentra ampliamente diversificado. Para poder beneficiarse de este modelo las empresas han tenido que transitar por procesos de transformación de sus componentes del sistema productivo. Es decir, iniciar procesos de reestructuración productiva, cambios organizacionales de las empresas, políticas de flexibilidad del trabajo y sistemas distributivos de consenso en las industrias. Sin estas transformaciones a nivel microeconómico, no es posible alcanzar los niveles de competitividad que ha impuesto la globlalización. Justamente, el problema radica en que no todas las empresas tienen las mismas oportunidades de modernizarse, de ahí que, la diferenciación productiva es muy profunda en el seno de la industria manufacturera de la región. 1 Esta mcuerui fue au.spiciada por la Seattaria del Trabajo del Estado de Nuevo Leén a las empresas que tienen.más de 99 pelSCllas ocupadas. El universo fue de 300 empresas y la muestra de 166. Se trata de una mue:iira aleatoria simple calatlada sobre la fórmula: n = (z • )( •) ( e 1 ) = 166. Esto nos da una con.fiabilidad del 99% coo un error muefb:al del 10%. En la etapa actual del posfordismcr que estamos presenciando, los sistemas productivos se encuentran configurados por la polaridad taylorismo- ohnisma1· Esta relación dialéctica entre los componentes tradicionales del ford-taylorismo (Estados Unidos) y su confrontación con los nuevos componentes del ohnismo (Japón) van estableciendo las fronteras entre el atraso productivo (ford-taylorismo) y la modernización (ohnismo). Detengámonos brevemente en esta conceptualización. Lo1, Estados Unidos basaron su desarrollo productivo en la concepción de la ingeniería norteamericana que diseñó sistemas de máquinas que fragmentaron las tareas productivas en movimientos capaces de ser medidos por un cronómetro: Te one best way. Fredick Taylor fue el artífice intelectual y desarrolló sus tesis de organización del trabajo en su clásico libro: Principios de la Organización Científica del Trabajo (Taylor, 1909). Tiempos y movimientos constituyeron el principio de la producción de masas y con ello, la separación entre las funciones de concepción centralizadas por los ingenieros y el personal directivo de la empresa, por un lado y por el otro, las funciones de ejecución delegados en los trabajadores de la línea de montaje. Este sistema productivo conocido como Taylorismo, entró en crisis en el año de 1929 en los Estados Unidos evidenciando las profundas contradicciones que se habían generando a lo largo de su desarrollo. La productividad estaba creciendo por encima del crecimiento de los salarios, o dicho de otra forma, se estaba gestando una crisis de subconsumo que finalmente se manifestó en dicho año. En esa época, Henry Ford había tomado la iniciativa de aumentar 100% el salario de sus trabajadores argumentando que su propósito era que sus obreros pudieran en el futuro comprar un auto Ford. Lo que verdaderamente estaba planteando Ford en aquellos años era la necesidad de fortalecer el mercado interno para continuar con el crecimiento de la oferta productiva. Producción y consumo eran dos variables macroeconórnicas que -bajo el proteccionismo- tenían que armonizarse al interior de las naciones. El régimen de acumulación 2 El cwcepto posfordismo se refiae al largo periodo de transicién que se inicia desde finales de los años sdem.i cuando sereccnoce el fin del régimen de acumulacién fordista en los Estados Unidos, el abandaio de las políticas keynesianas y la em.eigencia del neolibaalismo en 1979. Para un análisis de e&os cooceptos véase Aglidla ( 1983). ' Sobre la transfoa:nacién de los si&emas productivos véase a Coriat (1993). �23 22 taylorista resolvió sus contradicciones internas dando paso a un nuevo régimen, el fordismo que extendería su dinamismo por las siguientes cuatro décadas. Efectivamente, la crisis del taylorismo quedó superada después de un proceso profundo de transformaciones institucionales conocido como "The New Deal" que, iniciado por Franklin D. Roosevelt, caracterizó el desarrollo económico conocido como el "american way oflife" en los Estados Unidos. Es importante destacar que no existió una transformación cualitativa del sistema productivo taylorista. Sobre las mismas estructuras organizativas del trabajo se levantaron los contratos colectivos de trabajo que vinculaban la formación de los salarios al comportamiento del crecimiento de la productividad y de la inflación. De esta manera se constituyó una norma de consumo fordista -en alusión a la iniciativa de Henry Ford- que sería una de las bases del desarrollo sostenido del régimen de acumulación fortaylorista de los Estados Unidos (Aglietta, 1983). Como lo mencionamos anteriormente, la crisis del régimen de acumulación fordista se manifiesta a mediados de los años setenta. Sus dos principios fundamentales de la organización del trabajo eran ya inoperantes. La inflexibilidad era un estorbo para el desarrollo de la produc~ tividad y el trabajo simple, fragmentado, individual y fijo era desterrado por el surgimiento de una nueva concepción tecnológica: los robots y los equipos de control numérico. Ciertamente, el cambio tecnológico, en tanto estrategia productiva, se venía anunciando desde principios de los años setenta como la medida fundamental para superar la crisis estructural del régimen de acumulación fordista en los países desarrollados. Este cambio se impuso frente al agotamiento y las contradicciones que el mismo sistema productivo taylorista había creado. Ante la inflexibilidad de los sistemas productivos creados por el taylorismo se diseñaba una concepción alternativa como fuente de la productividad: los equipos flexibles sustentados en la microelectrónica. Surgen así, nuevos sistemas de máquinas de control numérico, los equipos computariz.ados con diseño y fabricación integrados y los robots (Coriat, 1990). Es importante resaltar que en los Estados Unidos, a finales de los cuarenta, destacados científicos de la economía del trabajo empezaron a señalar que la principal limitante de los sistemas productivos tayloristas consistía en excluir al trabajador como un ente pensante en el proceso de trabajo. Entre ellos sobresale el consultor estadounidense, Edwards Deming ( 1980), quién predicó en el desierto en su país pero fue seriamente escuchado en el Japón. Un año después de su primer visita, en 1951, la Unión de Ciencia e Ingeniería Japo. nesa (JUSE) decidió convertirse, con el apoyo de la industria nipona, en un Centro de Investigación para el Control de Calidad. El trabajador no se equivoca son los sistemas los que no funcionan sostenía Denúng. Para crear sistemas que funcionen con «cero error» de fabricación es necesario establecer el sistema de control estadístico de proceso que exige la incorporación del trabajador como un ente pensante en el proceso de trabajo. Sin este principio rector era imposible establecer el sistema de calidad total propuesto por Deming. Este clima intelectual del mundo del trabajo en Japón, en los años cincuenta, se concretó en una diversidad de modelos productivos, como por ejemplo el de la industria Sony (Reingold y Shimomura, 1987) y Toyota (Ohno, l 989). Los resultados fueron notables. En diez años Japón había sentado las bases de una nueva concepción organizativa y tecnológica, de fabricación de productos de muy alta calidad que -a principios de la década de los años setenta- invadieron el mercado mundial. Los estándares internacionales de productividad se habían transformado y la crisis del régimen de acumulación fortaylorista quedó en evidencia. Este liderazgo industrial de los empresarios japoneses colectivizó el pensamiento empresarial y su filosofía se diseminó por todo el mundo del trabajo. Sin lugar a dudas, fue Ohno, uno los gerentes industriales más creativos en el Japón quien llevó el principio del involucrarniento del trabajador y del ejercicio intelectual como contenido del trabajo a su expresión mas acabada. El sistema KANBAC, más conocido como sistemaj usto a tiempo «...constituyó la innovación organizacional más original de la segunda mitad de este siglo»◄ colocando como condición de su funcionamiento el involucramiento, la inteligencia y la calificación del trabajador. Ovbiamente, la propuesta organizacional de Ohno fue llevada a su perfección en Toyota del Japón. Sin embarg?, esto no significa que todas las empresas japonesas trabajen con el sistema «justo a tiempo». Ni siquiera lo hacen todas las industrias automotrices. Sin embargo, Benjamín Coriat tiene razón al hablar del ohnismo como una aportación universal porque, históricamente, surgió una empresa exitosa, sóliday competitiva -TOYOfA• Como lo SO&iene Caiat (1991). �25 24 que desarrolló de la manera más acabada una alternativa tecnológica, organizacional y laboral al fordtaylorismo. Pero también porque su modelo productivo esta siendo incorporado por muchas empresas en el mundo. Finalmente, el ohnismo es la construcción alternativa de la disidencia taylorista, pues creó formas de organización productiva que se desprendieron de la crítica al taylorismo originadas en los Estados Unidos pero que fueron concretadas en el Japón. Esta oferta productiva, social y de desarrollo esta conquistando al mundo industrial. Su aplicación depende de múltiples mediaciones según los países, las regiones, las tradiciones y la cultura. ohnista japonés. El ohnismo hace referencia al sistema productivo diseñado en Japón con la destacada participación de Ohno en la Toyota y lo podemos entender como el nuevo paradigma productivo emergente con carácter universal capaz de desplazar los sistemas ford-tayloristas dominantes en los estados Unidos. Cu.adro 4 Empresas con más de 99 personas ocupadas Industria manufacturera. Nuevo León 1993 IINDUSTRIAS La industria moderna del AMM esta constituida por una red industrial integrada por empresas antiguas fundadas desde principios de siglo hasta aquellas establecidas recientemente en tiempos de la modernidad industrial. Por ello, en su gran mayoría se han generado iéndencias de hibridación en los procesos de trabajo. Ahí, coexisten los sistemas fordtayloristas, organizados sobre la fragmentación del trabajo, con puestos individuales fijos y repetitvos, con los transfers aéreos típicos que desplazan los insumos productivos. Junto con ello, coexisten las máquinas de control numérico insertadas en algunas fases del proceso de trabajo que son utilizadas para flexibilizar la línea de producción. En otros casos son los robots introducidos para aquéllos procesos que requieren de mayor precisión en la calidad del producto. Estas formas se encuentran a lo largo de las lineas de fabricación de los productos. Sin embargo, también se están verificando procesos de líneas de producción gemelas. Fabrican el mismo producto, sin embargo una linea lo hace con los métodos tayloristas tradicionales y la otra línea con sistemas totalmente automatizados y computarizados. Estas combinaciones generan estructuras tecnológicas de hibridación de los procesos de trabajo muy complejas que transforman los requerimeintos de calificación y la condición del trabajo de los obreros en la planta. Justamente, la etapa actual que vivimos se caracteriza por la existencia de ambos procesos productivos. El sistemafordtay/orista descendente constituye el ámbito de la producción tradicional. El sistema productivo onhista ascendente constituye el ámbito de la producción moderna. En consecuencia, la polaridad atraso-modernidad establece un amplio rango determinado por los componentes del sistema taylorista americano, por un lado y por el otro, por los componentes del sistema Teta! EsW>ledmientes Inv....t.n Preducd.ón Enq,te. 99 y más 266 500% 75% 74% 78% n:st., SOS4 9S% 25% 26% 22% Fuente: Cuentas Nacionales. INEGI, 1994. Así, en un país, en un distrito industrial, en una rama de industria e inclusive en el seno de una empresa, coexisten dichos sistemas productivos, híbridos, aunque con predominancia de uno de ellos. Justamente, una parte de la encuesta analiza los siguientes cuatro componentes del sistema productivo: cambio tecnológico, cambio de la organización empresarial, flexibilidad del trabajo y sistemas distributivos de_consenso, como criterios de diferenciación de las empresas que tienen más de 99 trabajadores en dos escenarios de actividad industrial. Se define como industria moderna a aquéllas empresas que cuentan por lo menos con tres de estos componentes y aquéllas empresas que tienen dos o sólo uno de estos componentes pasan a formar el sector de la industria tradiciona/5- Aquí quedan excuídas las empresa que forman parte de la industria maquiladoras. Así, en 1993, existían 220 industrias con más de 99 personas ocupadas en la manufactura de Nuevo León. De acuerdo con los datos propor~ ' Cada uno de esos cuatro comp<nentes <Xll&i.tuyen un grupo de variables. En el caso del compcnentesobre cambiolea!.ológico, por ejemplo, se integra por cuatro variables. F.n el caso del componente cambio en la organizacién empresirial se integra por ocho. A cada variable se le asignó tm valor cuya sumatoria representa la 1111idad en cada comp<nente. Si la suma de las variables representaba más del 60% se otorgaba oomo compcneme a la empresa. Si era menor al 60% el compooente no se <torgaba. Aquellas empresas que ccntaban ccn tres compoomtesfolll!an parte dela indmma mO<jema y aquellas empresas que tienen dos o sólo uno de los comp<nentes pasan a f~ar parte de la indU&ria tradiciooal. �27 26 donados por la encuesta, la industria moderna representa el 45% del total de las empresas que ocupan más de 99 trabajadores en la industria manufacturera de Nuevo León. Este estrato participa con el 80% del personal ocupado y concentra el 94% de las exportaciones totales. Es decir, la encuesta es represéntativa del sector manufacturero exportador de Nuevo León (Cuadro 5). Cuadro 5 Encuesta a 144 industrias con más de 99 personas ocupadas Manufactura, Nuevo León, 1991 lndustrias Personal Ocupado Exportaciones Industria moderna 45% 80% 94% Industria u-adicional 55% 20% 6% Fuente: Investigación directa. Excluye la industria maquiladora. Considerando que el número de empresas que tienen más de 99 personas ocupadas asciende a 220, podemos decir que 100 de ellas se han beneficiado directamente de este modelo macroeconórnico de apertura comercial6. Dentro de las características más importantes que definen a la industria moderna destacan las siguientes : • La reestructuración productiva, en la industria moderna, es un proceso generalizado pues el 97% de las empresas han introducido nuevas tecnologías y sólo el 3% no lo han hecho. Así mismo, las empresas modernas están fuertemente comprometidas con la modernización, pues el 79% de ellas tienen planes de inversión en nuevas tecnologías antes de 1996 y sólo el 21% contestó que no tenía planeado hacerlo. • A pesar de ello, la industria moderna, en el nuevo contexto de economía abierta, percibió el impacto de la apertura comercial de la siguiente manera: el 60% de las empresas declararon que se vieron favorecidas pues se facilitó la importación de tecnología e insumos, el 37% declaró que habían perdido mercado y reducido el volumen de la producción y el 4% contestó que la competencia era·muy fuerte y existía riesgo de quiebra. 6 A e&as empresas se deben de sumar las 81 empresasmaquiladorasque existm m Nuevo Leén, dando un total d 181 empresas favorecidas por el modelo, o sea el 60% de las empresas que timen más de 99 persooas ocupadas. • Bajo esta situación, en la industria moderna, el 43% de las empresas tuvo un crecimiento positivo del empleo, el 10% se mantuvo igual y el 47% su crecimiento fue negativo. Las causas de los despidos fueron las siguientes: el 33% por ajuste de personal, el 22% debido a la reducción del volumen de la producción, el 11 % porque se suprimió una línea de producción, el 16% debido a la introducción nuevas tecnologías y el 18% por la introducción de sistemas de calidad total. • En relación a los planes de crear nuevas empleos en 1993, sólo el 21 % de las empresas lo tenía contemplado y el 79% restante contestó negativamente (Cuadro 6). Recapitulando, en relación a la competitividad, el 41 % de las empresas declaró no estar del todo preparadas para este nuevo entorno macroeconómico. En efecto un 4% siente riesgo de quiebra y el 37% perdió mercado y se vieron obligadas a reducir el volumen de su producción. Es decir, a pesar de los procesos de modernización los logros no han sido suficientes. Por el contrario el 57% restante valoró la apertura como una oportunidad de crecimiento y posicionamiento productivo. En relación al empleo, si bien la falta de dinamismo fue una característica del periodo (véase Cuadro 3) para el conjunto de la estructura económica de la región, no deja de ser preocupante que en aquel sector dinámico y moderno de la economía, protagonista principal del crecimiento de las exportaciones, se observe el mismo fenómeno en el 59% de las industrias modernas. En este caso, la pérdida de empleos se explica, por dos razones: aquellas relacionadas tanto con la productividad como las relacionadas con la modernización productiva Así, el 66% de las causas de los despidos fueron para compensar la baja productividad. Las empresas se vieron obligadas a suprimir líneas de producción, reducir el volumen de la producción y recurrieron al ajuste del personal; es decir, opciones de politicas de corto plazo (flexibilidad estática) vinculadas a la reducción de loscostes laborales. En menor proporción, el 34% de los despidos se explica por la existencia de procesos de modernización (flexibilidad dinámica), planificados en largo plazo pero que terminan afectando negativamente el tamaño de la planta laboral. Es decir, aún en empresas altamente competitivas se verifican despidos origínados por problemas productivos. �29 28 Cuadro 6 Tecnología, impacto de la apertura comercial, causas de despidos y nuevos empleos Industria modernae Industria maquiladora. Nuevo León, 1991 .... ..... 1ERÍSTICAS !Introducción a las nuevas tecnologías sí no Flan de invertir en nuevas tecnologías sí no ~pacto de la apertura comercial . Se facilitó la importacic'n de teaiología Se facilitó la importacién de insumos Pérdida de me.rcado Riesgo de quiebra Crecimiento del empleo en 1991 Positivo Igual Negativo !Causas de los despidos de pQ'SQlal ¡Supresién de líneas de produccién IReduccién del volumen de produccién Introduccién de nuevas tecnologías Introduccién de SÍ!tWlaS de t'.ilida~ IA.iwte Flanes de crear nuevas plazas sí no Moderna Maquiladora 97% 3% 33% 67% 77% 23% 26% 74% 32% 28% 37% 4% 62% 15% 15% 8% 43% 10% 47% 45% 26% 29% 33% 11% 22% 18% 16% 21% 79% - 29% 14% 14% 29% 14% 49% 51% ., Fuente: Inverugacim direda. El esquema distributivo de la industria moderna: el salario fordista. El salario ford.ista, históricamente surgió en los Estados Unidos en tomo a un principio fundamental: incorporar al trabajador como un elemento activo en la estructura de la demanda interna En efecto, en el contexto de economías cerradas por barreras proteccionistas, los trabajadores constituían un segmento importante del mercado interno en los países centrales. En consecuencia, los salarios se convirtieron en instrumentos de conexión entre la oferta productiva y la demanda del mercado interno. Es decir, se trataba de crear una forma salarial, el salario fordista, que constituyera una nueva norma de consumo (Aglietta, 1983) capaz de acompañar el crecimiento de la producción. Así, la producción de masas, por el lado de la oferta y la norma de consumo por el lado de la demanda constituían una relación dialéctica que se desarrolló armónicamente desde los años treinta hasta mediados de los setenta en los países desarrollados (Montmellin y Pastré, 1984; Boyer, 19-89). Lo que se observa en la industria moderna de Nuevo León, es una configuración ford.ista de la formación salarial. Esto obedece, a que el mayor tiempo de vida de las empresas transcurrió en.la etapa de formación y desarrollo del fordismo periféri-co. La antigüedad promedio de la industrias modernas es de años. Así, la estructura vertical de las fábricas, los mecanismos de formación salarial vinculados a la inflación y a los incrementos de la productividad, así como, el desarrollo notable de los salarios indirectos forman partede las prácticas, costumbres y rutinas del mundo del trabajo en dicho escenario de actividad industrial. Sobre estas bases se introducen los nuevos componentes incorporados tanto por la implementación de las medidas de la flexibilidad dinámica, como las introducidas por el ohnismo. los componentes del ohnismo son : Nuevas tecnologías, producción flexible, calidad total, calificación, involucramiento y trabajo inteligente enriquecen el contenido del trabajo, transforman el status del trabajador en la planta y coadyuvan en la formación de salarios altos. En consecuencia, la industria moderna de Nuevo León persiste de la formación del salario fordista. Esto se explica, tanto por la gestión organizacional fordista que prevaleció en las empresas a lo largo del proceso de industrialización, como de los nuevos mecanismos de formación salarial -recalificación de la mano de obra- incorporados por el ohnismo. La configuración del salario anteriormente descrito, ha conformado un nivel de vida satisfactorio para los trabajadores de la industria moderna. Efectivamente, en ella los salarios medios se encuentran 100% por encima del salario suficiente (ubicado en 1991 en d~ salarios mínimos), es decir, el obrero tiene una percepción media de 3.9 salarios mínimos mensuales. Esto significa que en la industria moderna de Nuevo León, el salario ford.ista se ha logrado mantener en un contexto donde los ingresos salariales a nivel nacional se contrajeron de manera severa, durante los últimos diez años, como resultado de la política de austeridad y estabilización económica impulsada en México. J �31 30 Resalta por ejemplo, la política laboral orientada hacia los técnicos cuyos salarios medios mensuales son 4. 7 salarios mínimos (N$ 1,645.00) en 1991. Los trabajadores semi-calificados, aquéllos que se encuentran operando máquinas fijas o en movimiento cuya capacitación se logra en promedio en unos quince días perciben tres salarios mínimos mensuales ($N 1,053.00). Por último, los obreros y ayudantes generales que no tienen calificación su salario promedio mensual corresponde a 2.1 salarios mínimos (N$942.00) (Cuadro 7). Cuadro7 Industria moderna e industria maquiladora Salarios medios mensuales y calificación. Nuevo León, 1991 !Industrias Técnicos Operador Obreros Total salario sal.medio/ maouinaria fiia mínimo sal.mínimo IMooema 1,644.5 1,052.7 942 1,388 347 3.9 !Maquilad 735.8 623.2 539 553 347 1.6 Fueme: Inverugacién directa. Como podemos observar, ninguno de los salarios medios se encuentran por debajo del salario de subsistencia -dos salarios mínimos mensuales- hecho que evidencia, en lo general, el grado de consenso y cohesión social que se han creado en la industria moderna de Nuevo León. El salario fordista es un elemento importante de los modelos de calidad que están impulsando las industrias modernas en Nuevo León. El salario fordista es portador de una oferta de distribución del ingreso y de generación de empleos mayoritariamente especializados que sustenta la producción de masas. El salario fordista actúa dinámicamente en el comportamiento de los mercados de trabajo y en el desarrollo económico regional. En el contexto del surgimiento de los nuevos modelos productivos, los salarios altos, estructurados al interior de la empresa, además de sus efectos dinámicos en la economía, sirven para profundizar las actitudes de involucramiento que las nuevos procesos productivos y organizacionales que requieren del trabajador. Así, la estructura del salario habla del desarrollo de las relaciones industriales y de las formas de cohesión social que se han ido construyendo en la industria moderna En este escenario de actividad industrial, se encuentran las empresas que nutren el mercado primario de trabajo. Es decir, los mejores empleos dentro de la estructura global del mercado de trabajo manufacturero. La industria maquiladora: la predominancia del taylorismo de ensamblaje. El otro sector que se ha visto enormemente favorecido por el modelo macroeconómico de apertura comercial y estabilización económica es la industria maquiladora. Esta participó, en 1994, con el 36% del total de exportaciones de Nuevo León y seguramente, dado el intenso dinamismo que ha tenido en este periodo, seguirá incrementando su participación exportadora. En efecto, en 1988 existían en Nuevo León 70 industrias maquiladoras se incrementaron a 81 en 1991 ya 97 en 1995. Es decir, lasmaquiladoras crecieron entre 1991-1995 un 39%. En relación con el empleo, la industria maquiladora fue el único sector que tuvo un crecimiento no sólo positivo, sino además, extremadamente dinámico. En 1988 la maquiladora contaba con 8,500 trabajadores, para incrementarse en 1991 a 9,092 y en 1995 a 19,538 personas ocupadas. Es decir, entre 1991-1995 el empleo enlamaquiladorase incrementó en 115% (Cuadro 3). El perfil productivo de la maquiladora de Nuevo León corresponde con las tendencias de la industria maquiladora del país en el año de 1991. Si bien, la maquiladora no establece plantas con sistemas productivos complejos. Sin embargo no se restringe exclusivamente a los procesos de ensamblaje intensivos de mano de obra Por supuesto, la industria ensambladora seguirá siendo la industria dominante en este escenario industrial, pues los bajos niveles salariales que existen en México constituyen uno de los atractivos fundamentales para firmas que quieren relocalizar las fases intensivas en mano de obra de sus procesos productivos y así, alcanzar mejores niveles de competitividad internacional. Somos copartícipes de las nuevas tendencias que caracterizan la división internacional del trabajo donde, las empresas multinacionales que mantienen procesos de trabajo intensivos en mano de obra buscan su relocalización en aquéllas países donde los salarios son bajos (Froebel y otros, 1980· Lipietz, 1985). ' No es de extrañar entonces que, el 84% de las maquiladoras establecí- J �33 32 das en Nuevo León sean fundamentalmente ensambladoras. En este escenario de actividad industrial, encontramos la misma J?Olaridad atraso- fordtaylorismo / modernidad- ohnismo que existe en la industria tradicional. La diferencia es que en aquélla se manufacturan productos y en la maquiladora principalmente se ensamblan o en el mejor de los casos se fabrican partes que sirven de insumos industriales para tenninar la fabricación del producto en empresas extranjeras. en el caso de la maquiladora, podemos sostener que el paradigma taylorista del trabajo se va a mantener porque las empresas matrices estadounidenses optaron por la estrategia de la flexibilidad estática y, por ello, concretaron los procesos de relocalización de aquéllas Jases de su proceso de trabajo -intensivas en mano de obra-, en la región industrial del AMM con el fin de disminuir sus costos salariales y aumentar su competitividad internacional (Stormer, 1988). Estas características del proceso de trabajo configuran un escenario de actividad industrial donde el polo atraso-fordtaylorismo es ampliamente dominante en la maquiladora de Nuevo León. La encuesta de la que hablamos recoge de manera sobresaliente las siguientes características de la maquiladora : En consecuencia, la marcada predominancia de la estrategia de flexibilidad estática la vamos a encontrar también en otros componentes fundamentales del mundo de trabajo, como lo son, la formación de los salarios y las medidas de planeación 01ganizacional; componentes que en su conjunto delimitan la calidad de oferta social que brindan las maquiladoras en el estado de Nuevo León. • La reestructuración es un proceso restringido pues sólo el 33% de las empresas han introducido nuevas tecnologías y el 67% tienen procesos productivos con sistemas tecnológicos mecanizados. Consecuentemente, la planeación de inversión en nuevas tecnologías antes de 1996 sólo existía en el 26% de las empresas y el 74% no iba a hacerlo. • La industria maquiladora, orientada totalmente hacia la exportación generó una dinámica expansiva en el mercado laboral. El 45% de las empresas tuvieron un crecimiento positivo del empleo, el 29% de ellas se mantuvo igual y el 26% manifestó un crecimiento negativo. Las causas de los despidos fueron los siguientes: el 29% por ajuste de personal , el 24% de los despidos fueron por supresión de una línea de producción, y reducción del volumen de producción respectivamente. El 29% de los trabajadores en 1991 fueron despedidos por la introducción de nuevas tecnologías y el 14% por la introducción de sistemas de calidad. • Respecto a los planeas para crear nuevas plaz.as, el 49% contestó afirmativamente y el 51% no pensaba hacerlo (cuadro 6). Obviamente, la presencia de industrias ensambladoras -intensivas en mano de obra- es lo que explica la predominancia del paradigma productivo taylorista y la forma en que participa de algunas de sus tendencias. Efectivamente, los procesos de trabajo son fundamentalmente tayloristas. Por ejemplo, sólo así se explica que únicamente el 26% de las rnaquiladoras piensan invertir en nuevas tecnologías antes de 1996, pero al contrario, el 51 % de las industrias tenían planeado la creación de nuevas plazas. Incluso, desde una perspectiva global, El esquema distributivo de la maquiladora: el salario subtaylorista. En este escenario de actividad industrial la norma de consumo es extremadamente restringida y participa de las tendencias dominantes de pérdida adquisitiva de los salarios que se han registrado a nivel nacional. Es un escenario típico del mercado secundario de trabajo dadas las características de la mayoría de las maquiladoras establecidas en Nuevo León, es altamente probable que las maquiladoras continuarán siendo uno de los polos productivos que aprovisionarán al mercado secundario del mundo del trabajo en la región. Ciertamente, la industria maquiladora participa con una oferta de formación de salarios bajos. Este hecho se explica por varios factores: y • La industria maquiladora escinde la esfera de producción y la esfera de la circulación. Los productos que se ensamblan en México se consumen en un I 00% en el extranjero. La dinámica de los mercados de los productos no están vinculados con la economía mexicana sino con los mercados internos de otros países. En consecuencia, la preocupación del mercado interno mexicano no. existe como componente de las medidas de planeación empresarial. • Los mecanismos de la formación de los salarios son el resultado del encuentro de dos tendencias: la microeconómica y la macroeconómica. A nivel microeconómico los salarios están vinculados a la calificación de la mano de obra y en la industria maquiladora el 89% de los trabajadores son obreros generales y �35 34 ayudantes, sin calificación y fácilmente reemplazables. A nivel macroeconómico, la política de austeridad llevó a fijar el salario mínimo ($N 347 pesos o $110 dólares mensuales) a un nivel de infra-subsistencia. De suerte tal, que la noción del salario núnimo perdió su papel de referencia como el espacio de encuentro y entendimiento entre trabajadores y empleadores. Para que el salario núnimo vuelva a desempeñar ese papel tendría que ubicarse cerca de los $N 850 pesos en 1995. • La antigüedad media de las maquiladoras es de 2.6 años. Es decir, son empresas que se crearon bajo la sombra de la política económica neoliberal, donde los salarios fueron comprimidos como mecanismo de control de la inflación. Obviamente que las industrias maquiladoras no tienen responsabilidad ninguna en la conformación de los mecanismos de formación salarial establecidos en México a nivel macroeconómico. Inclusive sabemos que una de las razones de la relocalización de sus fases intensivas de mano de obra en México lo constituye precisamente la oferta del coste salarial que ofrece el país. No nos debe extrañar entonces que los salarios medios de la industria maquiladora se encuentran un 20% por debajo del salario de subsistencia (dos salarios núnimos) apenas suficiente para satisfacer las necesidades de reproducción del trabajador y su familia Esta configuración salarial de la industria maquiladora que se ubica por debajo del salario de nivel de subsistencia en México constituye una de las ofertas menos aceptables por los trabajadores en la región industrial del AMM. Por ejemplo, los salarios medios de los técnicos son 2.1 salanos mínimos ($N 736 pesos) apenas al nivel del salario del obrero general (no calificado) de la industria moderna. Los trabajadores semicalificados que operan máquinas fijas perciben l. 8 salarios mínimos ($N 623 pesos) y los obreros generales ganan el equivalente a l.6 salarios mínimos ($N 539 pesos) (Cuadro 7). Si bien, la industria maquiladora tiene un comportamiento dinámico en cuanto a la generación de empleos, la política salarial es contradictoria con los requerimientos de involucramiento y adhesión del trabajador a .la empresa que requiere el contexto de globalización de la economía mundial para alcanzar la competitividad. Es este escenario de actividad industrial la tasa promedio de rotación anual es del 48%, evidenciando la falta de consenso prevaleciente en el mundo del trabajo de la maquiladora en la región. La ur~en~i,a de una nueva pol~tica industrial: ~xportM:iones, globahzac1on y cadenas productivas, desarrollo endógeno. Es urgente recuperar las condiciones de bienestar que tenía el país en 1982 a la brevedad posible. Hasta el momento, la política macroeconómica de apertura comercial y estabilización económica ha profundizado la brecha de la sociedad dual latinoamericana. Vivimos en un Estado-Nación que ha agudizado la polarización económicosocial. Sin embargo, como lo acabamos de analizar, existe un poderoso sector del "mundo de los ganadores" que no solamente ha logrado beneficios económicos con este modelo, sino que además promete un extraordinario posicionamiento en el mercado internacional y nacional. Podrá este sector constituirse en una fuerza hegemónica (en el sentido de Gramsci) nacional? ¿Cuáles son las perspectivas de la industrialización que impulsan estos dos polos de desarrollo? Para ello es importante desarrollar una política industrial que planifique el desarrollo de la industrialización y sus efectos expansivos en otros sectores de actividad económica del país. Hasta el momento, los sectores productivos beneficiados del modelo macroeconómico de apertura comercial nos ofrecen un mundo polarizado. El sector moderno industrial si bien genera una oferta social de lento crecimiento del empleo tiene·el mérito de fortalecer el sector primario del mercado de trabajo. Es ahí donde se desarrollan las mejores propuestas de relaciones industriales, pactos laborales y reglas de consenso del mundo del trabajo. En el otro extremo, nos e~con~os con la industria maquiladora que ofrece un amplio din~smo en lo relativo a la creación de empleos, pero su oferta social se ubica en la jerarquía más baja de los mercados de trabajo. Son empresas que soportan algunas de las formas que integran el mercado secundario de trabajo, tanto en lo relativo a las condiciones de trabajo como en la fonnación de los salarios. Esta tendencia natural, sólo profundiza la fonnación de la sociedad dual donde el sector moderno con le~to crecimiento será cada vez más reducido y los mercados secundarios se desarrollarán exponencialmente. Efectiv~~nte, el sector moderno industrial, con su tecnología de punta , s~ bien genera una oferta social que nutre el mercado primario de trabaJo, no garantiza crecimiento substancial en el empleo. Por ello, a ~ d~ que es_alú donde se desarrollan las mejores propuestas de relaciones mdustnales, convenios laborales, reglas de consenso y �37 36 una cultma laboral integradora, la oferta social de la industria moderna se ciJcunscribe a los parámetros de la reproducción simple de su segmento laboral. En suma un enclave privilegiado en el contex- principios de la especialización productiva determinada por el mercado sin descuidar la planeación del des arrollo endógeno sostenido determinada por las instituciones. La industria moderna to nacional por sí sola es incapaz de generar el dinamismo productivo que el país requiere si no se crean los soportes institucionales (política industrial, política de financiamiento productivo, política fiscal, política comercial -revisar el TLC-, política de recalificación integral de los recursos humanos entre los más importantes) que impulsen la integración vertical con los otros sectores productivos que integran el mosaico de industrias a nivel nacional. En el otro ex.tremo, dentro del mundo de los ganadores, nos encontramos a la industria maquiladora, con tecnología atrasada y con una oferta social que soportan algunas de las formas que integran el mercado secundario del trabajo. Es ahí donde se crean formas retrógradas de relaciones laborales, consensos bloqueados y salarios de subsisteneia. Sin embargo, dado el fuerte dinamismo en la creación de empleos, la oferta social de la industria maqui/adora adquiere las dimensiones de la reproducción ampliada de su segmento laboral. Estas tendencias de ambos escenarios productivos, sólo profundizan la formación de la sociedad dual. Por un lado, la industria moderna promotora de los mercados primarios de trabajo tiene una escasa aportación en el terreno de los efectos multiplicadores del empleo. En el otro extremo, la industria maquiladora con su dinamismo en la creación de empleos engrosará a los mercados secundarios de trabajo. Se trata de planificar el desarrollo de la industrialización y sus efectos expansivos en otros sectores de actividad económica del país tomando en cuenta las señales del mercado. Consecuentemente, una voluntad política soportada por instituciones debe de concretarse en la definición de una política industrial que marque rumbos, defina metas cuidadosamente monitoreadas, tendientes a fortalecer el polo progresista de la modernización industrial, es decir, la industria moderna a través de cadenas productivas que enlacen al aparato productivo nacional y lo integren al desarrollo con competitividad que ellas liderean7 • Esta política recientemente anunciada por el gobierno es un avance importante considerando que desde 1983 carecíamos de política industrial alguna. Para que esta política realmente funcione, requiere de un liderazgo empresarial activo y comprometido con México. Es necesario definir el tipo de inserción del Estado-Nación en la economía mundial. Es decir, partir del principio de formar un país capaz de capitalizar los ' Para un análisis-de prcpue&aS ahemativas véase a Ifigenia Martínez ( 1995). TambiéI: Juan C~gts Teillery (1995) y Arturo Huerta Gcmál.ez (1995). Para ello, es necesario contar con una estrategia que, en el contexto de la crisis económíca actual, sea capaz de sustentar un régimen de acumulación sostenido en un sistema de distribución del ingreso que garantice el bienestar de la población, la acumulación nacional y el éxito de las empresas orientadas a la especialización productiva. Consecuentemente, es necesario definir una política industrial que marque rumbos, defina metas que sean cuidadosamente monitoreadas tendentes a fortalecer el polo de modernización industrial garantizando una política de encadenamientos productivos que enlacen el sector tradicional del aparato productivo nacional. Es decir, el sector moderno de la economía es incapaz de generar el dinamismo que el país requiere si no se crean los soportes institucionales que impulsen la integración vertical de los sectores productivos que integran la red industrial a nivel nacional. Bibliografía Aglietta, Michel ( 1983) Regulación y crisis del capitalismo, México, Siglo XXI. Aspe, Pedro (1993) El camino mexicano de la transformación económica, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. Boyer, Robert y Jean Pierre Dwand (1989) La Flexibilidad del Trabajo en Europa, Madrid, Ministerio del Trabajo. Castaingts Teillery, Juan (1995) «Hacia un plan económico alternativo para México», Mimeo, presentado en el XX Congreso de la Asociación Latinoamericana de Sociología, México. ,¡ P. �38 39 Coriat, Benjamín Women's extradomestic work and marital relations in Mexico (1990) L 'atelier et le robot. Essai sur le ford~me el la produclion de masse a l'age de l'electronique, Paris, Chnsllan Bourgeo1s. (1993) Pensar al Revés, México, Siglo XXl Manuel Ribeiro-Ferrei111' Deming, W. Edwads (1980) Calidad, Productividady Competitividad. La salída de la crisis, Madrid, Ediciones Dfaz de Santos. Froebel, F. y otros (1980) The new industrial division oflabour: Struclural unemployment in industria/ized countries an industrializtion in developing countries, Cambridge University Press. Huerta González, Arturo (1995) Causas y Remedios de la Crisis Eéonómica de México, México, Editorial Diana. Resumen Este artículo examina las condiciones sociales y familiares que favorecen o dificultan el ingreso de las mujeres al mercado de trabajo. Por un lado, los procesos de industrialización y de tJ.rbanización han generado una situación propicia para que un número cada vez mayor de mujeres accedan a una actividad económica; pero por otro lado, los factores culturales e ideológicos, las estructuras familiares y los marcos juridicos constituyen obstáculos que obstaculizanel acceso de las mujeres a los empleos. Abstract Lipietz, Alain (1985) Fordisme, .fordisme périphérique et métropolisalion, París, CEPREMAP. # 8514. · Martínez, Ifigenia (Compiladora) (1995) Economía y Democracia. Una propuesta alternativa, México, Grijalvo. Montmellin, Maurice y Olivier Pastré (1984) Le Taylorisme, París, La Decouverte. This article examines social and familial condition which might either favour or obstruct access of women to the labour market. On the one hand, both industrialization and urbanizatiou processes have developed a favourable condition in order that an increasing number of women get access to an economic activity; but on the other hand, cultural and ideological factors, family structures and legal frameworks constitute obstacles hinderíng women ·s access to employment Ohno, Taiichi (1989) L'esprit Toyota, Paris, Masson. Reingold, Edwin y Mitsuko Shimomura (1987) Made in Jopan, México, Lasser Press. Scott A y Storper M. °(1988) Production, work, territory: The geografical anatomy of industrial capitalism, Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Taylor, Frederic W. (1909) Principies of scientific management. The history ofwomen·s economic activity1 has been linked, in large measure, with the structural conditions of societies which might favour or obstruct the access of women to paid employment; but it is evident that the h.istory ofwomen's employment has also been marked by their social-condition. Francine Barry ( 1977) says that the whole question of ~men·s work seems to be articulated around a dialectical axis, the coordinates of which are the industrialization process and family traditions. In fact, we can say that industrialization was accompanied by important social changes which precipitated the entry of women into the labour force: urbanization, the development ofthe third sector of 1 Investigada de la Facultad de Trahajo S,><."tal de la Univm;idad Autéooma ,le Nuevo Leúi 1 We wi1l us., lhe teros «womro ·s ~ct.ivity» and «W<llllCIJ ·s wtJk•> to rd'ec l o lhoo-e women ,vbo are in the lahour force. Tbat doe&1'1 mean lhat the womcn ""ho doo 't perticipate in lhe markd ofbhoor a tho,;e 'Mlo doo 't bave a salary den 't wod. In fact, ao oo:nmlic act.ivity may or not may be remunerat...t �41 40 the economy (which offers more job opportunities for women); the secularization process; the advent of massive consumerism; improvements in domestic technology; the increase in the cost of living; the development of effective and easy to use contraceptive technology, etc. But, at the same time, other social forces and family characteristics pushed in the opposite direction. First, the traditional family confined the woman to the speci:fic role of mother-wife and made her responsible for the moral and affective support of this «basic cell ofsociety»; moreover, sexist ideologies perceived women's extradomestic work as a threat to society and the well being of the family. years old and over) accounted for over 22.3% ofthe labour force in 1941, 40% in 1980 (Descarries-Bélanger, 1980:44) and 58.8% in 1988 (Motard et Tardieu, 1990:54). In Mexico, according to the national census in 1970, feroale v.urkers represented 20% ofthe EAP (12 years and over); in 1990 this figure was only 23% (INEGI, 1992)4. Table 1 Women's rates of participation in the labour market Mexico 1940-1980 (thousands) In the United States and Canada, for example, the access to remunerative work for a massive number of women carne about at the beginning of the 1940's, mainly as a consequence of the Second World War. The war stimulated econornic growth in these countries, overcorning the great depression ofthe 1930's. The war industry caused an unprecedented increase in production in the factories, to such an extent that employers hired all the workforce available that had not already been absorbed by the army. This fact made possible the massive entry of women into the labour market (Vinet, 1982:24). Even though a&large number of women were forced to return home3 at the end ofthe war (Descarries-Bélanger, 1980:47), the favourable post-war econornic situation and the flourishing service sector attracted them back to work on a more permanent basis (Vinet, 1982:25). Furtherroore, other socioeconornic factors influenced the continued uptake of women into the labour force: the innovation of domestic labour-saving devices, the growing popularity of processed convenience food and easy-to clean synthetic clothes, the shorter jou~y to work and later, the decrease in fertility rates and the advent of the as yet erobryonic ferninist movement. In contrast, the impact of the war in Mexico was not signi:ficant, due to the nation's marginal military participation. Notwithstanding the fact that during this period of ti me only a small proportion of women participated in the labour market (7.4% of EAP in 1940) (Pick, l 989: 51) (table 1), opportunities for women to gain remunerated employment presented themselves, albeit at a slower pace than in the North American countries. For instance, in Canada, women (14 ' .It 5h.ould be remembered that immediately after the war, the ecmomic adJvities decreased and many men wbo had been fi¡iptingretumed to their jobs and ~laa;d a CCl'.lSÍderable number of women in the labour force. EAP Active women % Active women 1940 5858 432 7.4 1950 8272 1127 13.6 1960 11253 2018 17.9 1970 12955 2466 19 1980 22066 6141 27.8 , . Srurce. Estodísticas bístóncas de México, 1985, cit. by Piel< et al (1989:261) Though it was perhaps implied earlier that women's economic work dates from the 1940's, actually the history of fernale work began much earlier, in ancient times. In ali ages, women have directly contributed to the production of goods and services; however, thjs was not always socially recognized. For instance, in rural societies, women have often been involved in farroing activities, but they have not been consfdered in offi.cial statistics and have not been regarded as a part of the active population (Labrecque, l 986). Traditionally, if certain jobs and services performed by women were not completely absorbed by the farnilies, they were frequently regarded as «volunteer work», and thus were often not considered in the statistical calculations of the EAP (Barry, 1977: l ). But even if we only consider the out-of-home paidjob, it is evident that a great number ofwomen • It's important.tónct.e1hat the Mexican ~ e s in thenati<nal ansusreferto women 12 years old and over andnct lo those mio are 14 years old and over as in the North An:urican ~ c s . Fw1her, inreant years, the ecwomic aisishave liim.ulated thedevelopment of aninf~~of~e~cmy, iawhichmany~le(but~eciallywomen)developed <<SUTV!val ~~eg¡es» m different k.inds ofecroomic activities. Unfortunately, there areno reliable sta1J5t.Ics, and this type of work remains iavisfüle. �43 42 is frequently done part-time6 • Again, we find a parallel with the Northem America situation: a survey of Quebec families carried out in 1984 showed that 60% of wornen questioned had experienced one or more interruptions of at least one year since becoming economically active, while among men this percentage was only 16% (Kempeneers, 1987). Furthermore, the percentage ofwomen who work part time is _significantly higher than men woddwide. began working in.factories right from the outset of the Industrial Revolution. Indeed, wit.hin pre-colonial A:zrec, society, it was very common for women to get involved in commercial activities and sorne of them even became public officers of the «pochteca tlahtocayotl» (Govemment ofthe merchants) (Hellbom, 1982:61). One important aspect ofthe evolution offeminine work is the marital status of the female workers. It is no secret that marriage and family have constituted serious obstacles to women seeking to get involved or stay involved in an extradomestic job. As has been shown by various studies, most of the women who perfonn an economic activity leave their employment when they either marry or start living with a partner (Leñero, 1968) (Ribeiro, 1989, 1995b) (Ribeiro et al, l 991 ). So, for example, in the metropolitan region ofMonterrey, our 1989 research into the family demonstrated that among the 2,007 married women who were interviewed, 67.4% hada job before marrying, yet only 15.7% ofthem kept theirout-of-home job once married, while 8. 1% performed sorne kind of econornic activity wíthin the household. Within the rural areas ofthe state ofNuevo Leon, the situation is not very different, for even though it has been shown that peasant women face structural d.ifficulties finding paid jobs elsewhere, half of them used to work before formally marrying, while only'6.7% maintaioed a job after matrirnony (Ribeiro, 1995\?). This situation, however, is not peculiar to less developed countríes, because even in developed states nowadays, marriage still ditttinishes the employment opportunities available to women~. In Mexico, according to the 1990 census, 87% of men and only 60% ofwomen work 33 hours or more a week. Also, feminine employment is commonly interrupted by marriage -as was mentioned above- as well as by the arrival of children, in a very high fertility context. Table 2 Percentage of Women in the main activities Mexico & Nuevo Leon, 1990 MAIN OCCUPATION Total Professionals Technicians Educational workers Art workers Public officers and directors Agricultural workers Inspectors and supervisors Manual and blue collar workers Fixed machinery operators Auxiliaries Transport operators Clerical workers Merchant and merchant employees Informal economy workers Civil servants Domesti.c workers Protection and surveillance Unspecifíed Another important aspect ofthe kind ofwork first made available to Mexican women is that it entailed reproducíng at the social leve! the same type of duties that they traditionally executed in the domestic sphere: cleaning, cooking, child care, care of the sick and elderly, clothes making, etc. (Elu, 1975a:73) (Ribeiro, 1994, 1995a). 1t is plain to see that, even today, there is a double labour market established along the lines ofthe sexual social d.ivision, because in general women find themselves directed to the traditionally feminine activities (Elu and Ribeiro, 1995; Garcíaandde Oliveira, 1994). Moreover, as it has been pointed out by Wainerrnan et Recchini ( 1981), feminine work has been characterired by discontinuity and by the fact that it Me.x.ico N.L 23.6 25.9 44.5 60.3 18. l 19.4 3.6 15.6 10.5 30.2 11.5 1.0 53.6 33.5 25.7 33.5 96.6 3.2 30.9 26.1 27.l 43.0 64.8 22.7 16.4 1.7 11.8 8.0 25.5 10.5 1.0 54.3 30.4 15.5 30.5 96.2 2.7 26.7 8-0urcc: INEGI (1992). 6 'Cf Le BourdaisdDerosias ( 1988:170),Tr.,jednies dánu¡v~ques dprcfc<'li<nellcs: une aoalyse lcngitudinale dts proce:.-sus ti des dttaminants, ~Cit. derechcrdic, INRSurhanisatioo. cit. by lnldurand ( 1992). ¾ofwomen Even in thosc countries in 'MIÍ.di the participaticn ofwomen is hight2', as in Sweden, 3 l.arge~lltllba- ofwomen w~_part time (cf. Bamre-Maurisscn, 1992). Ji is important to mt:Dt!.~ that. the díscontinwty m the professional careers of women cmstitut.c an 1IDpoverishmmtfactor,asithasbeendema:istráedinthcEurq1eanEccncmicCommunity COtmtries. (Bawin-Legros, 1988: 180). �45 44 The work of woroen has thus developed in very unfavorable conditions because their access to employment has in general been limited to only a few sectors of the economy; their wages are pro~rtionally lower than those of men and, for mothers, economic activity has in most cases meant the realization of a double working day. In research conducted in Guadalajara (Mexico) on women who work in the shoe industry, Helena de la P Hemandez (1988), concludes that women in this type of activity are assigned the jobs of placing ornaments because this activity is «more feminine», and because they are also subject to the worst working conditions and the lowest wages; roen don't want to perform these activities because they would feel «belittled» and because they are convinced that this is «women's work». In the same study, the author reports that in the largest shoe industry in Guadalajara job seekers are required to be young, single and childless. Another study in the same city, this time in the textile industry (Gabayet, 1988), reports that towards the end of last century women employed in this fi.eld received lower wages than roen, because they were never assigned to managerial positions. In the sate of Queretaro (Mexico), in research involving 244 low-income nuclear and semi-nuclear households, Sylvia Chant (1988:186) found that the average salary of amale head offamily in 1982-83, was 3060 pesos weekly, while female heads offamily earned only 1540 pesos a week in their main occupation, although many had a secondary activity which increased their income to it to 1927 pesos weekly, on average. However, the fact of working in productive activities has deeply affected women's life history... and their families. Although it is true that for most female workers employment has not meant the search for or the attainment of self realization, but has rather been a response to the demands of economic necessity7, it is no less true that despite the not very stimulating conditions described above, most of them assert they would continue working even if they did not face any economic need; that is at least what we can conclude from the most recent research conducted in Nuevo Leon (Ribeiro, 1989; 1995b). Based upon sorne essays and studies by Mexican feminists, Labrecque (1986) tries to show that for Mexican women the fact ofbecoming part ofthe labour force does not mean that male dornination is atan end. Simultaneously, this author strongly criticizes the very unfavo1 Actually we coold say the same thing formen.• ra_ble conditions in which these women find themselves. Starting off with data collected in the earliest 1980's in a .rural area of northem Mexico, she asserts that «. .. of all the family situations experienced by women who receive a salary, they have greater autonomy when they area head of the household (in the absence of a male)». A_t this junc~re, I should make it clear that I agree with Labrecque's view that patd work does not di'.rectly lead to greater female liberation in male dominated society8: justas we saw earlier, the basis on which wo~en have begun to break into the extradomestic economic sphere fe~ advantages. However, we would like to point out that this s1tuatton 1s not restricted to Mexican or Latin-American women- on ~e con~, itproduces a phenomenon that has been widely obser'ved m pract:t~y a.U industri~ societies and, consequently, is a common element m the modera history of feminine productive work. ~e:s Even thougb we know that paid work does not automatically liberate ~men ~om male domination, it seems evident that wornen's entry mto the Job market and the incorne that has followed, has contributed to a large degree to a reevaluation of the relations between women and men and between women and society. Among the fírst obstacles encountered by pioneer women in the fi.eld of e~~nomic a~tivity was the hostility towards them manifested by ~aditJ.~nal ~oc1ety, anchored in amale biased culture. The preva.iling ideas m _this respect, in almost ali societies, strictly opposed any changes m the sexual roles assigned to women. In Mexico studies concerning th~ :family and women's work (Leñero, 1968) (El;, 1975a) have emphastzed the fact that, for a conservative culture, female work «endangers» the equilibrium oftraditional life and dependence ofw~men ~n m~n_. Particularly among the less economically successful m soc_1~ty, 1t 1~ the man who is expected to provide and satisfy the nece~s1tJ.~ ofh1s household; otherwise, his virility is questioned. S~ch a s1tuatJ.on, very common in Latin America, is closely linked wtth the concept of «machismo». Beginning with several studies based on the position of women in Latín American countries, Gissi °: •Toe problem male dominatioo. is very complex and doesnot auiomatically end when the women begin to work. As Vmet (1982:29) poinls out: «the marl<ed cooflict between men and women clearly ex~ the narrow framewotk of female participatioo. in the labour .mackd. The ideas received aboul the family, the respCII.Sl.bil.ities of the oouple, the mcther-sm and ~ather~ relatiooships, the habits acquired througb. many generatioo.s, m fact the e&abfuhed family ordec is based en the accqitance of dilfertnt social roles for men and women». �47 46 ( 1975) concludes that men oppose the employment ofwomen because for the «macho» «allowing woman to work is equivalent to publicly announcing that he is not a mam>, and because «the only way to assure a wornan's fídelity is by keeping her economically dependen!». The woman's paid work reduces her husband's authority (it makes her more independent) while at the same time it takes away from the man the strongest proof ofhis masculinity. For blue collar workers a woman's place is at home. Only economic necessity may justify female work and even then the man may well feel deeply humiliated, accompanied by a strong sense of failure. In spite ofthe fact that out ofhome work done by Mexican women is increasingly seen as «normal», male opposition still constitutes a major obstacle in many cases: in a recent study conducted among married men in three Mexican cities (Mexico, Monterrey and Queretaro), Leñero ( 1992) observed the persistence of« macho» attitudes towards female work. The data he collected in Monterrey showed that 35.3% ofthose interviewed affirrned that they would never accept their wives working outside the home, and 30.6% answered that they would accept only under certain ci rcurnstances. Forty one percent of the total surveyed said that they would not entertain the idea of women earning more than men. In the rural areas the situation is generally more difficult for women: a survey in these areas carried out during the 1980's observed that even when women's productive work was accepted on a individual basis by sorne of the husbands directly involved, it was seen as a negative development for the community as a whole9 • But Monterrey menare not the only ones who think that a woman's place is at home and that they should not accept employtnent; in general, the opinion of women points in the same direction. The results of research involving families in the Monterrey metropolitan area (Ribeiro, 1989) clearly reveals this situation; when wives were asked their opinion on the proposition «if a woman has solved her economic need, she should not work outside home», 64% agreed1º. Interestingly, the figure was identical when the same question was ' Margolis-Fiist, A ( 1982:230), El p apel de la mujer en la awicuhura de El Baj ío, Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Auténoma Metrq,olitao.a, Iztapalapa, cited by Labrecque ( 1986:211 ). 'ºIt is importan.teto emph asize tha1 a little more than third ofthese wives (genecally the bEtta- educated <nes) didnol agree wilh this propositi<n, \W.i.ch indicat.esthat an important c:hange of attitudes from the traditi<nal nonns is imminent. addressed to women in the process of becorning divorced, and who gave their opinion on this matter in 1990 (Ribeiro et al, 1991 ). In rural areas of Nuevo Leon we observed a similar response (Ribeiro, 1995b) but the percentages of conservative answers was even higher ( 76%), a situation that is not surprising, given the low level of education and the predominance of traditional values that characterize rural areas. It is wel~ known that the «machista» culture is reinforced by the Catholic tdeology that prevails in Mexico". Traditionaily, the Catholic church has widely opposed productive employment for women (particularly for married women). The ideological thinking is sup~rted by the widely held belief that the process of «family disintegratton» and the pressure on marriage as a social institution are a direct consequence of the fact that more married women find themselves in the labour force (Anson and Roa, 1966; Leclercq, 1967~ Ribeiro, 1989). For ~e church, and for society as a whole, women -and mainly marr~ed ones- have a «natural function» providing moral and emottonal support for the farnily. For this reason, in the name of moral values, the Catholic church considers female productive work as a mechanism that has distracted married women from their main roles in the farnily: procreation and child education roles that were «assigned by God» (Barry, 1977:44). This religious perspective ofthe family and family roles still continues whe:ever Catholicism is the main religion. The conception of the famlly as a natural unit is ruled by a «natural and unquestionable» law that comes directly from God (Cf. Leclercq, 1967). The hostility toward the \\Ornen' s paid work has diminished somewhat recentl~ Briefly, the reasons for this are: the stereotype of the male breadwmner has diminished in correlation with the increasing roles of women in the labour force (Vinet, 1982:32); moreover the modernization process has encouraged a greater secularization ~f the culture. This has decreased the force of the Christian image of «the woman-at-home». Furthermore, as has been emphasized, although a large percentage ofhusbands do not agree with their wives working, most of them have to accept it because their families need an additional income. 11 In Mexico, Toe 1990 Nati<nal Cmsus reports that. 89.9% ofthe entire pqmlatiCII is catholic (INEGI, 1992). �49 48 Gabayet, Luisa et al (comps.) (1988) Mujeres y sociedad. Salario, hogar y acción. social en el Occidente de México, Guadalajara, El Colegio de Jalisco y CIESAS de Occidente. References Anson, Francisco and Vicente Roa García, Brígida and Orlandina de Oliveira (1966) Mujer y sociedad, Madrid, Ed. Rialp. (1994) Trabajo de la mujer y vida familiar México El Colegio de México. ' ' Barrere-Maurisson, Marie-Agnes (1992) «Matemite et/ou travail: une comparaison des liens entre stmctures familiales et marché de travail dans les pays développés», in: Dandurand, R et F. Descames (Ecls.) (1992). (1975) «Mitología sobre la mujer», in. Elu, M. el C. (Ed.) (1975b). Hellbom, Anna Britta Barry, Francine (1977) Le travail de la femme au Québec. L 'évolution de 1940 a 1970, Montreal, Les Presses de I'Université du Québec. (1982) «La vie des femmes et leur role dans la culture Azteque» in UNESCO (1982) 59-68. ' Hemández, Maria de la Paz Bawin-Legros, Bemardette (1988) Familles, mariage, divorce, Liege, Pierre Mardaga Ed. Chant, Sylvia ( 1988) «Mitos y realidades de la formación de las familias encabe7.adas por mujeres: el caso de Querétaro, México», in: Gabayet, L. et al (comps.) (1988) 181-204. (1988) «Mujer y trabajo: las adomadoras de calzado en Guadalajara» ' in: Gabayet, L. et al (comps.) (1988) 17-33 INEGI (1992) XI Censo general de población y vivienda 1990. Aguascalientes Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografia e Informática. ' Kempeneers, Marianne Daigle, G. (Ed.) (1922) Perspectives sur le Québec 1960-1990. Tensions, enjeux, défis, Montréal, Presses de I'Université de Montréal. (1987) «Qu.estions sur les femmes et le travail: une lecture de la crise» Sociologie et Sociétés, vol 14, nº 1, April 1987, 576-71. ' Labrecque, Marie Fiance Dandurand, Renée (1992) «La famille n'est pas une ile. Changements de société et parcours de vie familiale», in: Daigle, G. (Ed) (1992) 357-383. (1986) «Femmes, travail et domination masculine au Mex:ique» Anthropologie et Sociétés, vol. 10, n º l. ' Leclercq, Jacques Dandurand, Renée and Francine Descaries (Eds.) (1992) Meres el travailleuses. De l'exception Institut Québécois de Recherche sur la Culture. Gissi, Jorge a la regle, Québec, Descarries-Bélanger, Francine (1980) L'école rose ... et les cols roses, Montreal, Les Éditions Cooperatives Albert Saint Martin. Elu, Maria del Carmen _(1975a) El trabajo de la mujer en México, México, Instituto Mexicano de Estudios Sociales, A C. (1975b) La mujer en América Lah·n a, Tomo I, México, Sep-Setentas. Elu, Maria del Carmen and Manuel Ribeiro (Eds.) (1992) La salud reproductiva de la mujer en Nuevo León, México, México, Instituto Mexicano de Estudios Sociales, AC. & Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. Gabayet, Luisa (1988) «Antes eramos mayoria. .. Las mujeres en la industria textil de Guadalajara», in: Gabayet, L. et al (comps.) (1988) 91-106. (1967) La Familia. Según el derecho natural, Barcelona, Ed. Herder. Leñero, Luis (1968) Investigación de la familia en México, México, IMES (1992) Varones, neomachismo y planeación familiar, México, Mexfam. Motard, Louise and Camille Tardieu (1990) Les femmes 9a compte, Que'bec, Les Publications du. Que'bec 2nd. ed. ' Pick, James B . et al (1989) Atlas of Mexico, Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press. Ribeiro, Manuel (1989) Familia y Fecundidad, Monterrey, Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. (1994) «Papel y condición de la mujer en la familia mexicana» in: Ríbeiro and López (Eds) (1994), 143-179. ' �51 50 (1995a) «Emancipación de la mujer y fecundidad» Perspectivas Sociales, N° 3, 51-82. (1995b) Organización familiar y cond_ucta _reprodu~tiva en sectores rurales de Nuevo León, Monterrey, Uruversidad Autonoma de Nuevo León. Management of work and mothering responsibilities among blue-collar chicana and Mexican immigrant women 1 María Olivia Villarreal-Solano2 Ribeiro, Manuel y Raúl E. López (Eds.) (1994) Perspectivas y prospectivas de la familia e~ América del Norte, Monterrey, Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo Leon. Ribeiro, Manuel et al (1991) El divorcio en Monterrey, Monterrey, Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. UNESCO (1982) Cultures. Dialogues entre les peuples du monde, París, vol. VII. nº 3 . Vmet, Alain (1982) La condition féminine en milieu ouvrier. Une enquete, Québec, lnstitut Québécois de Recherche sur la Culture. Wainerman, Catalina and Zulma Recchini (1981) El trabajo femenino en el banquillo de los acusados. México, Terra Nova y Population Council. Resumen. El presente estudio examina el manejo de las responsabilidades de maternidad y trabajo entre un grupo de madres trabajadoras de origen mexicano -chicanas e inmigrantes mexicanas- en el Valle del Río Grande, Texas. A través de entrevistas a profundidad, se identificaron dos procesos usados por las mujeres para manejar trabajo y maternidad. La edad y el orden en los eventos de las vidas de las mujeres tuvieron la mayor influencia en estos procesos. La etnia, contrario a las expectativas de los modelos explicativos, no contribuyó para ninguna diferencia significativa en el manejo de maternidad y trabajo para los dos grupos de mujeres. Abstract. This qualitative study exarnined how a select group of forty Chicana and Mexican immigrant women employed as apparel production workers in the Lower Rio Grande Valley ofTexas manage work and mothering responsibilities. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews. This study identified two processes used by women in managing work and motherhood. Age and the timing of life events were found to have the greatest intluence on these processes. Ethnicity, contrary to existing explanatory models, was not found to account for any signiñcant difference. Introduction. The increasing participation ofwomen in the labor force, and particularly of women of color, makes the exploration of the ways in which women manage work and motherhood an important sociolo-gical issue. This paper explores the relationship between work and mothering responsibilities among a selected group of Chicana and ' Investigadora de la Universidad de Monterrey. ' This papee is based oo the uopubl.imed Masters thesis by the author (Vtllarreal-Solano 1996). �53 52 Mexican immigrant women3 workers in the Lo~r Rio Grande Valley apparel industry. Tbe airo of this study is to describe the process women engage into in order to manage the confl.icting demands between work and mothering responsibilities. For the purpose of tbis study management is defined as the ability of women to combine work and mothering responsibilities by successfully manipulating their com.mitment to one role or the other as demanded by the situation athand. Traditionally, women are likely to be seen as unable to manage the competing demands of family and work in ways that satisfy the expectations for achievement attributed to each sphere (Crosby 1987). According to role conflict literature, when someone occupies two roles with contradictory expectations, conflict occurs (Hodson and Sullivan 1995). For working women, role conflict derives from their attempts to reconcile the "competing urgencies" ofwork andfamily. Reconciling the "competing urgencies" means that women bave to balance job and family responsibilities and identity investment (Pesquera 1991: 11 O). This identity investment is shaped by women's internalized traditional social and cultural expectations and by social pressure exerted on women to conform to traditional domestic roles. The traditional belief that Hispanic women generally hold traditional sex-role attitudes (Ortiz and Cooney 1984) suggests that role conflict should be strong among Chicana and Mexican immigrant women and they would present difficulties in the management of work and mothering responsibilities. However, according to role theory, the commitment made to roles, as well as the rigidity and clarity of role expectations, should influence the conflict one experiences (Stryker and Statham 1985). In other words, it is the level of commitment to roles rather than the time and energy expenditures that occasions strain (Marks 1977). Research on women's work commitment (Sobol 1974) shows that the maintenance and commitment to the work role for blue-collar women is assuroed to derive only from economic motivations. In addition, the few studies addressing the problem of work identity (Sobol 1963, 1974; Pesquera 1991) suggest that women in blue collar jobs, with ' Toe tam Clúcana in this study refers to native bom women of Mexican descent who were raised in the United States. Also included in this cat.egay are Mexican-bom wom.en raised since presd:tool years in the U.S. Toe tmn Mexican immigrant woman, en the other hand, refers to women who were bom and raised in Mexico who migrated t o the U.S. as adults. Also included in this cat.egory are U.S. bom wom01 of Mexican descent raised in Mexico who migrated to the U.S. as young aduhs. limited opportunities and rewards, are less likely to identify with their work role than women in high-status employment situations that offer autonomy, greater intrinsic rewards, higher educational training, and more subjective evaluation. These findings thus suggests that work identity and work commitment among blue-collar Chicana and Mexican immigrant women is likely to be weak. More interesting, assuming a weak work commitment for blue-collar women, then we could expect tbat blue-collar women are more likely to manage work and mothering responsibilities. In other words, bluecollar women are assumed to be able to combine work, mothering responsibilities and identity investment by successfully manipulating tbeir commitment to one role or the other as demanded by the situation at hand. lftbis is so, both blue-collar Chicana and Mexican immigrant women would be expected to reduce role conflict and manage work and mothering responsibilities. However, different explanatory models suggest that t,he management ofwork and mothering responsibilities should be different for Chicanas and Mexican immigrant women. On the one hand, linear acculturation models imply that Chicanas and Mexican immigrant women lie on a sort of "cultural continuum" with Mexican immigrants at one end holding more conservative behaviors and attitudes grounded in traditional (often rural) Mexican culture, and U.S.-born Chicanas holding an "amalgamation" of cultural traditions from Mexico and the United States (Segura 1991: 124). These models caution, however, that depending on their level of acculturation Chicanas may lie at different levels along tbis continuum (Baca Zinn 1980; Melville 1988). According to these models, the less acculturated women will have the most difficult time balancing work and mothering responsibilities given their internalized traditional social and cultural expectations. Hence, management of work and mothering responsibilities among Chicanas may vary, but Mexican immigrant women are more likely to expe-rience a difficult time balancing work and mothering responsibilities. Segura (1991) propases a different approach in understanding differences in managing the conflicting demands of work and motherhood among Mexican irnmigrant and Chicana women, explaining these differences as rooted in their "dissimilar social locations". According to Segura (1991 : 121): ... Mexicanas [immigrant women], raised in a world where economic and household work often merge, do �SS 54 not dichotomize social life into public/private spheres4, but appear to view employment as one workable domain of family. As a consequence, the more recent the time of emigration, the less ambivalence~ Mexican women would express regarding employment. Chicanas on the other hand, raised in a society that celebrates the 'expressive functions of the family and obscures its productive economic functions, express higher adherence to the ideology of stay-at-home wife/mother and correspondingly more ambivalence to full-time employment. According to the dissimilar social locations approach, Mexican immigrant women are more likely to manage work and mothering responsibilities than Chicanas. The aforementioned models explain the differences in the management ofworkand motherhood between Chicana and Mexican immigrant women as based qn women's traditional role expectations and their socialization process. Two research questions were formulated to explore these issues. One question explored the extent to which long traditions of working in the formal and informal economic sectors (i.e. socialization) ease managementofwork and motherhood responsibilities. The second question probed the extent to which internalized traditional social and cultural expectations account for the perception ofwork and motherhood as conflicting roles difficult to negotiate and reconcile. The thrust of this research is to identify and describe the processes through which blue-collar Chicana and Mexican immigrant women manage work and mothering responsibilities and to examine the explanatory models that may allow us to explore and distinguish, were differences to exist, between these two groups of women. Methodology and Characteristics of the Sample. This paper is based on in-depth interviews with forty blue-collar \Wmen. All interviews V\iere guided by a semi-structured questionnaire intended to explore the formulated research questions. The questionnaire was prepared in both English and Spanish and the interviews • Toe prívate sphere encompasses family Jife, thehousdlold, and domesticity. Toe p ublic sphere, an the other hand, cancans human acticns that serve political, in.stitutiwal, commercial, and other depecsanaliz.ed features ofsocid y (Rosaldo and Lamph ere 1974; Thcmpsm 1990). > Ambivalence as used here refers to the guih women experience IMJ.en they leave their childrm in the care of others while they work outside theh ome. were conducted in one or the other language according to the preference of the interviewee. Ali Mexican women preferred the interview in Spanish and ali -but one- Chicanas in English. However, both languages were used in the interviews with most Chicanas. The interviews were cond1Icted at the subject's homes in the area ofthe Lower Rio Grande Valley of Texas, particularly in the cities of Edinburg, McAllen, Mission, San Juan, Alamo, Eisa, Edcouch, Mercedes and Weslaco, Texas. The sample was generated through a non-probability sampling technique that included purposive and "snowball" sampling. The purposive sampling technique was the most useful for generating a sample with the speci.fic characteristics sought. The characteristics specified for inclusion in the sample were the following: only Chicana and Mexican irnmigrant women who at the time of the interview were married, full-time operatives in the apparel industry, aged twenty-four and over, and mothers. Only married women who were fuU-time employed and had children were included because these characteristics were essential to explore the conflicting demands between their work role and their role as mothers. Women between the age intervals of 24-39 and 40-55 in each ethnic category were sought in order to draw comparisons between different age groups among both groups of women. The first step in generating the sample was to contact employers and/or managers of apparel factories which employ large numbers of Chicana and Mexican immigrant women as operatives, in Edinburg and McAllen, TX. The purpose and method of the study were explained to the employers and/or managers, and they were asked permission for posting a «recruitrnent announcement» in the workplace. The «recruitment announcement» explained the purpose and method of the study as well as the required characteristics of the participants. I intended to get a response from women who were willing to participate or just curious about the study. However, only one of the employers accepted to announce the study and only one woman responded to this announcement. In addition, I was not allowed to approach the possible participants in the work place. A "snowball" sampling method was used as a second step in generating the sample. The first participant was asked to recommend others and this process was followed with each subsequent participant. This was the best technique to generate the purposive sarnple needed �57 56 because it is the participants who know whether their co-workers fít or do not fít into the theoretically relevant categories. Nonetheless, after the seventeenth interview, participants were no longer able to recommend other participants'. One participan!, however, enlightened my search for more subjects by recommending other small apparel factories in the area, and suggested that employers would allow me to approach women in their workplace. Although my initial intention was to generate a homogenous sample that included only women working in large apparel companies, the other twenty-three participants were found in smaller companies. I started my search in the same way, first by contacting employers and/or managers ofthe small shops suggested. I found a very positive response from employers and/or managers and I was allo~ to approach the possible participants in the work place at lunch tune. The "snowball" sampling technique used before was displaced by approaching all the women at once in their workplace. The sample consists of forty women, twenty-four are Mexican immigrant and sixteen are Chicanas. Half of the Mexican immigrant women in the sample are between the ages oftwenty-four and thirtynine I will refer here after to these women as younger Mexicans. The 'other half of Mexican immigrant women in the sample are between the ages of forty and fifty-five, and I will refer to them as older Mexicans. Nine Chicanas in the sample are between the ages of twenty four and thirty-nine and seven more between the ages of forty and fifty-five, I will refer to these women as younger and older Chicanas respectively. Chicanas in the sample are either third, second or first generation. Most Chicanas were bom and raised in the Lower Rio Grande Valley. Only three younger Chicanas are Mexico-born women raised since preschool years in the Lower Rio Grande Valley. At the time of the interview, two ofthese women were U.S. citizens and the other was a U.S. resident. More than half of Chicanas are either third generation or their families have always lived in the region. Parents of these Chicanas were either boro and raised in the Lower Río Grande Valley or boro elsewhere in Texas and raised in the Lower Río Grande Valley. Other Chicanas are second generation with Mexico-boro parents who • h is int.eres.ing to note 1hal. most of the women .int.erviewed who work in large apparel fa<iories reported they only communicate with their co-workers during breaks and exclusively work-i"elated. This mi.wJ.t partly explain why these women were im.able to recommend more participants. migrated to the U.S. as young adults. Only the three Mexico-bom Chicanas who were raised in the U.S. are first generation. These women' s parents were born in Mexico and migrated with their children to the U.S. The majority of Mexicans were bom and raised in Tamaulipas, Mexico -a state bordering Texas. Others were boro and raised in Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosi and Yucatan, Mexico. Only one younger Mexican was boro in Texas but raised in Tamaulipas, Mexico. The majority of the Mexicans' parents were boro and raised in Mexico. Only two women said their mothers were bom in the Lower Rio Grande Valley but raised in Mexico. Most of the older Mexicans migrated to the United States when they were twenty-one years old or older. The majority of younger Mexicans rnigrated to the U.S. when they were between the ages of fifteen and twenty. Women's Socialization and Expectations to Combine Motherhood and Employment. The majority of Chicanas in the sample grew up in families where the mother worked or was the head of the household, while most Mexicans grew up in families where mothers did not work. In addition, most Chicanas started to work before marriage, in contrast to only half ofthe Mexicans. In other words, Chicanas were socialized to manage work and mothering responsibilities, while Mexicans \Wre socialized to reproduce the traditional divisíon of labor. This important structural di:fference shaped their expectations of combining work and motherhood when married. Most Mexicans did not expect to combine work and motherhood because they expected to reproduce their mother 's lives. This was particularly important for older Mexicans. Fanny7, an older Mexican, remembers how things used to be in Mexico at the time she got married: We didn' t think ofthat. Before, in Mexico, the mother didn't work, that meant a loss ofprestige for the father or husband8. More younger Mexicans, however, expected to combine work and motherhood even when they did not have working mothers. It is ' This and all the áher names appearing in this paper are fid.it.ious. ' This and the other ~ t s ofthe Mexicanspresa:rt.ed in this paper were expressed in Spanim by the interviewees and later translated by the author to the F.ngfu,b language. For the aúcana counteJpart, all !tatemmts are h ere presented as they were originally eiq>ressed. M ~ ofthem in theE.nglish language and a few with a mixture ofboth Eng!im. and Spanim. �59 58 interesting to note that these younger women were employed before marriage, and their early introduction to the labor force was an important factor in shaping their expectations. Consuelo, a younger Mexican, tells how important working was to her: I never thought to stop working. I didn·t get used to being at home, I was used to eam my own money and whatever money I got was to buy my clothes. Most Chicanas, socialized to manage work and mothering responsibilities and with a long working tradition of their own, expected to combine work and motherhood when married. Sylvia, a younger Chicana, tells how her early introduction to the labor force has influenced her life: I guess since my moro put me to work very young I've always known I was going to work. I've never bee~ the housewife type. I've always had other Jobs, working, juggling in life. Although most Chicanas had working mothers, sorne older Chicanas did not expect to combine work and motherhood as did their Mexican counterpart. Ericka, an older Chicana, said: I thought that I wasn't going to work and that I was going to stay at home with the children. On the other hand, sorne younger Chicanas who did not have working mothers, but who started to work before marriage, expected to combine work and motherhood as did their Mexican counterpart. Claudia, a younger Chicana, said: Óf course I expected to work I thought: "How am I going to afford a house if I don't help?!" Following their expectations to combine motherhood and employment, sorne women in the sample were not always employed mothers. Therefore, in this paper I deal with employed and non-employed mothers9, describing motherhood/ related attitudes and behaviors in the present and the past of the women interviewed. For my analysis, I rely on Segura's ( 1991) typology of mothers, which includes voluntary non-employed mothers, involuntary non-employed mothers, ambivalent employed mothers and non-ambivalent employed · mothers. • In Ibis study, the tam nen anployed molhec relees to wcmen 'Mlo waend. employed -.wen their children we.-e of pre-school age. According to Segura, voluntary non-employed mothers remain out of the labor force by choice in order to stay at home to care for preschool and/or elementary school-age cbildren, and they assert that motherhood requires staying home with the children; involuntary non-employed mothers care full time for their children, want to be employed but they either cannot secure the job they want and/or they feel pressured to be at home mothering full-time; ambivalent employed mothers believe that employment interferes with motherhood and feel «guilty» when they work, outside the home; and nonambivalent employed mothers view employment and motherhood as compatible social dynamics irrespective ofthe age oftheir children, although sorne believe employment could be problematic if a family member could not take care oftheir children (Segura 1991: 127-128). Non-Employed Mothers: Voluntary and lnvoluntary. Women in the sample have not always been employed mothers. Half of the women in the sam.ple either remained out of the labor force by choice in order to stay at home to care for pre-school age or older children (i.e. voluntary non-employed mothers) or remained out of the labor force when their children were pre-school age or older because they either could not secure the job they wanted and/or they felt pressured to be at home mothering full-time (i.e. involuntary non-employed mothers). Figure 1 shows the percentage of nonemployed mothers by ethnic group and their voluntary or involuntary non-employed status. Figure 1 Ds1mitioo of Noo-Ernpbyed Mahers by Ethnicáy ~ - - ~ 80 o Involuntary 60 + - - - - - - - - - - - - f " - - , 20+--O +---- Chicana Mexican Figure l shows that over sixty percent of the Mexicans (n= 15) in the sample were either voluntary or involuntary non-employed mothers at one time. However, only over ten percent (n=3) of these women �61 60 fall into the category ofinvoluntary non-employed mothers, and fifty percent (n=l2) fall into the category of voluntary non-em~loyed mothers. 0n the other hand, only over thirty percent of the CJµcanas (n=5) in the sample fall into the category ofvoluntary non-employed mothers and none of them fall into the category of involuntary nonemployed mother. When it comes to being a voluntary oran involuntary non-employed mother, women's age seems to be important for Mexican women, as was the case for theír expectations to combine work and motherhood when married, previously discussed. Chicanas show a different pattern. None of them fall into the category of involuntary nonemployed mothers, and when it comes to being a voluntary nonemployed mother, older and younger women are evenly distributed. Figure 2 shows the percentage of non-employed mothers in the sample by ethnic and age group, as well as their voluntary or involuntary non-employed status. Figure 2 Distmutioo ofNon-.Emphyed Mothers by E.thm:ity andAge Grwp 80 60 % 40 20 o Younger Older Younger Older Chicana Chicana Mexcan Mcxcan As shown in figure 2, over seventy percent of the older Mexicans (n=9) in the sample are voluntary non-employed mothers. 0n the other hand, only over twenty percent of the younger Mexicans (n=3) in the sample are voluntary non-employed mothers, and over twenty percent more ofthese (n=3) are involuntary non-ernployed mothers. Chicanas show a clifferent pattern. Figure 2 shows that older and younger Chicanas are evenly distributed in the category ofvoluntary non-employed mothers. Thirty percent of older Chicanas (n=2) in the sample are voluntary non-employed mothers, and only over thirty percent ofyounger Chicanas (n=3) fall into the same category. None of the Chicanas in the sample, however, fall into the category of involuntary non-employed mothers. Voluntary Non-Employed Mothers' Attitudes. The category of voluntary non-employed mothers, as mentioned before, includes women who remained out ofthe labor force by choice in order to stay at home to care for pre-school age or older children. We can identify three categories ofvoluntary non-employed mothers in the sample: ( 1) Women who started working before marriage who stopped working when they got married and reincorporated to the labor force when their youngest child was between the ages of two and fíve; (2) Women who started working after marriage and whose children were either old enough to care for themselves or the youngest was between the ages of two and five; (3) Women who started or continued working after marriage and who stopped working to have or care for their infants. Mexican voluntary non-employed mothers fall into one or another of the above mentioned categories depending on their age group. For example, older Mexicans tend to fall into the second category and younger Mexicans in the sample tend to fall into the fírst and second categories. Chicanas show a clifferent pattern. They tend to fall into the fírst and third categories. Included in this third category, for example, are a few Chicanas who started working after marriage, stopped working to have children and reincorporated when their youngest child was between the- ages of two and five. A few stopped working to have and care for their infants. It is interesting to note that despite their decision to stay at home to care for pre-school children, not ali of the voluntary non-employed mothers in the sample assert that motherhood requires staying home with the children. The majority ofvoluntary non-employed Mexican mothers believe that women should stay at home for pre-school age children. However, sorne of them acknowledged that depending on the economic situation of the couple and on the people who could take care of the children, women could work even if the children were months old. Alejandra, a voluntary non-employed older Mexican, combines both reasons to assert that women with pre-school age children can work Ifit' s necessary that they [women] work, they can m>rk even if the children are months old, but they have to be sure that their children are in good hands. �63 62 The niajority of voluntary non-employed Chicanas, in contrast to only sorne of their Mexican counterpart, acknowledged tha1 the economic situation of the couple is an important factor for women to work irrespective ofthe age of the children. Flor, a voluntary no_n-employed older Chicana, does not know if it is good to leave the children when they are infants, but she notes that the economic factor is a good reason to do so in the next statement: A lot ofmothers have to keep up with payments. I don't know if it's good, but they have to. In addition, more than half of voluntary non-employed Mexicans believe that working mothers are as good mothers as those who stay at home. Margarita, an older Mexican, said: Yes, there might be one or two who aren't [good mothers], but I think that there are better mothers who work than those who don't work, because they put all their efforts in working for their children, to educate them and get them clothes. On the other hand, all voluntary non-employed Chicanas believe that working mothers are as good mothers as those who stay at home. Victoria, a voluntary non-employed younger Chicana, half jokingly explains the difference between staying at home and working to provide for the family in the following statement: Staying home is a full time responsibility. You stay home and you do housework, kids get home, feed them, do homework husband comes home and feed him, work, clean, go to bed, fulfill your obligation as a woman. .. Y nosotros, we live the feed, feed, feed, work, work, work, and then we come home and fulfill ... I think working mothers are a hundred percent good, they work because of them, because they need to provide. And I believe that my children when they ~ow they will say, my mom worked and not she was JUSt there, dependent. Despite their positive feelings about motherhood and employm.ent, voluntary non-employed mothers decided to stay out of the labor force to take care oftheir children. A fewyounger Mexicans, however, have been involuntary non-employed at times when their children were pre-school age. lnvoluntary Non-Employed Motbers' Attitudes. Figure 2 shows that almost thirty percent of non-employed younger Mexicans are involuntary non-employed mothers. These involuntary non-employed mothers remained out of the labor force when their children were pre-school age or older either for not having the legal papers to work in the U.S. or dueto lay-offs. These involuntary nonemployed mothers view motherhood and employment as compatible social dynamics. They believe that employed mothers are as good as those who stay at home. In Virginia•s words: "I think it's the same, we are ali mothers and I think it's the same". Involuntary non-employed mothers in the sample, however, value the time they spent with their children when they were little. These women reported that the age of the children is ~n important factor for women to consider full-time employment although their own reasons to quit work were not family related. Virginia did not work when her children were pre-school age because she did not have the legal papers to work in the U. S. Given her circumstance, she spent a lot oftime at home with her children and how she values this time is refl.ected in the next statement: As I see it now, I think that when they are babies one sbould be with them, when they are 4 or 5 years old then you can start looking for a job, because they are little, they get sick easily. Employed Mothers: Ambivalent and Non-Ambivalent. The majority of Chicanas in the sample and sorne of the Mexicans, however, have been working mothers. Most Chicanas, irrespective oftheir age, have been employed mothers. Those who started working before marriage and stopped working when married reincorporated to the labor force when their fust child was little, but had their other children while working. And others have been continuously employed. 0n the other hand, sorne of the Mexicans have also been employed mothers. But, are these ambivalent or non-ambivalent employed mothers? Rephrasing the question: Do these women believe that employment interferes with motherhood and feel «guilty» when they work outside the home (i.e. ambivalent) or do these women view employment and motherhood as compatible social dynamics irrespective of the age of their children, although sorne believe employment could be problematic ifa family member could not take care of their children �65 64 (i.e. non-ambivalent)? Figure 3 shows the percentage of employed mothers in the sample by ethnic group and the "ambivalence'09 or non-ambivalence reported by both groups of women. Figure4 Dist.ribum of F.mployed M<>tbers by Etlmicfy and Age Group 80 Figure 3 Distmution tt Employed Mothers by Elhnicfy 80 ■ Non-Ambivalen 60 ■ Non-Ambiv 60 ■ "Ambivalent" o/o 40 o/o 40 20 o Youoger Older Younga- Chi:ana Chi:ana Mexican Older Mexican 20 "Ambivalent" Employed Mothers' Attitudes. o Chicana Meiúcan Figure 3 shows that the majority of employed mothers in the sample are ''ambivalent" employed mothers. Over forty percent of Chicanas (n=7) and over twenty percent of Mexicans (n=5) in the sample expressed guilt feelings about leaving their children in the care of others while they worked. On the other hand, over twenty percent of Chicanas (n=4) and less than twenty percent of Mexicans (n=4) in the sample did not express guilt feelings, and these women are considered non-ambivalent employed mothers. It is interesting to note that the "ambivalence" or non-ambivalence of both groups of women was related to age group. Figure 4 shows the percentage of employed mothers by ethnicity, age group, and their "ambivalent" or non-arnbivalent status. As shown in figure 4, more older than younger women reported guilt feelings. Almost sixty percent of older Chicanas (n=4) and over twenty percent of older Mexicans (n=3) -all of the older Mexican employed mothers- are considered "ambivalent" employed mothers. On the other hand, more younger women did not express guilt feelings. Over thirty percent of both younger Chicanas (n=3) and Mexicans (n=4) are considered non-ambivalent employed mothers. t ¡ quotedthe word ambivalence becaused~itethe guih feel:ingsreported bythemajority of the employed mothers in the sample, these womm. are nct totally ambivalenl I will fmther explain the "ambivalmce' oftheseanployed mothas lat.er in this sectim. As mentioned before, more than half of the Mexican employed mothers expressed guilt feelings, as well as the majority of Chicana employed mothers. These women either feel guilty about leaving their children in the care of others, felt guilty at the beginning but they got used to it, or do not feel guilty but they worry about their children or feel sad to leave them behind. Priscila, a younger Chicana, expressed her guilt feelings in the next statement: Yes, I feel guilty because I think they are not getting the care I would give them. Camiia, a younger Mexican employed mother, asserts she does not feel guilty, but expressed her discomfort and worry about not being there with her children: I don't feel guilty, but I feel uncomfortable because they are very anxious and I fear that something will happen to them while I' m not there. But I know they are comfortable and that calms me down. In addition, sorne of the Mexican employed mothers who expressed guilt feelings believe they do not spend enough time with their children, and they regret the limited time they can spend with them. Brenda, a younger Mexican, tells about the limited time she can spend with her children: When you get home from workyou have very little time and you have to check that they take a shower, that they eat supper, you get their things ready for the next �66 67 day... that is, you don't dedícate a time for them personally, you only prepare everything for them, but not to their persons, what did they ~o, if they had a good time at school. The afternoon 1s gone and you didn' t ask them. When I found myself with this little time I regret about working, but I forget it the next day. As their Mexican counterpart, sorne ofthe Chicana employed mothers who expressed guilt feelings believe they do not spend or did ~ot spend enough time with their children, and they al~o regret. _Sella, an older Chicana, regrets the limited time she spent with her children and expresses her guilt feelings in the next statement: Now I regret. .. now that I' m having problems with my youngest one. I blame myself, and people around tell me that if I had not worked ... However the majority ofthe employed mothers who expressed guilt feelings believe that work and motherhood are compatible social dynamics. The majority of these women, for example, reported that working mothers are as good mothers as those who stay at home. Only one of these women believes that those mothers who stay at home are better mothers. However, in the particular case of Luz, an older Mexican employed mother, her guilt feelings as well as her perception that mothers who stay at home are better mothers is only a recent event. She developed these feelings once her children grew older. Luz explains how her perception of being a good mother changed over time in the following statement: I believe that those [mothers] who stay at home are better because they can give all the attention to their éhildren, because now I realize that my children lacked attention... at that time I didn't feel that bad about working, because I knew they were well-taken care of, I worked for them and if I stayed home they would suffer because they lacked things. 0n the other hand, ali Chicanas who reported guilt feelings believe that working mothers are as good mothers as those who stay at home. These women believe that women who can do both things are great, and that it is the same because both have the same obligation to the family. In Ericka's words: It's the same because even when you are working you have the same obligatíon to the family, and you get home to do what all mothers do at home, attend the children, fix lunch... Moreover, the majority of employed mothers who reported guilt feelings believe that a mother can work irrespective of the age of the children. Most Mexicans believe that when the mother needs to work, the age of the children is not an important factor for women to stay at home. Only one of them asserted that leaving a pre-school child in the care ofothers could be problematic. Sandra, a younger Mexican, ~ks about the difficulties of leaving a baby in the care of others in the following statement: ... when they are babies it's very diffi.cult, befare they are ayear old it' s more difficult for the mother because you don't know how are they going tQ.treat your baby, when they're older that's different. As their Mexican counterpart, the majority of Chicana employed mothers who expressed guiltfeelings believe that a mother can work irrespective of the age of the children. Por the majority of these women, if the mother needed to work to help the farnily it was fine for them to work Only Hortencia, a younger Chicana who expressed guilt feelings, was undecided but finally asserted that leaving a preschool child in the care of others is not right in the following statement: I don't know... I think it depends on how many hours you.work... I don't know... I don't think it's right, you don't see them grow. The majority of the employed mothers in the sample who expressed guilt feelings leave their kids in the care of a farnily member grandmother, aunt or husband. Most of them believe that ernployment could be problematic if a family member could not take care of the child.ren. For these women, not having a family member taking care of their child.ren could be problematic because they don't trust strangers, their husbands would not have consented that they worked if someone else would have to take care of the cbildren, it was diffi~ult to fínd a sitter or they could not afford paying someone to take care of the children. Despite the guilt feeling ex:pressed by almost half of the Mexican employed mothers and by the majority of the Chicana employed mothers, these women can not be considered totally ambivalent employed mothers, but neither totally non-ambivalent employed mothers. These "arnbivalenC' employed mothers showoo ambivalence in their guilt feelings, but showed non-ambivalence when they �68 asserted that working mothers are as good mothers are those who stay at home and that women can be employed irrespective of the age of their children. The majority ofthese women, however, believe that employment could be problematic if a family member coúld not take care of their children. Non-Ambivalent Employed Mothers' Attitudes. As shown in Figure 3, less than ha1f ofMexican and Chicana employed mothers are considered non-ambivalent employed mothers. These women did not express guilt feelings and the majority believe they spend enough time with their children. The majority of these women assert that working mo1ters are as good mothers as those who stay at home. However, a few Mexicans reported contradictory feelings and asserted that it is difficult to be a good mother when the mother is employed. For Laura, a younger Mexican, employed mothers have to demand their children to think as adults and understand that their mother has to work. Laura explains how she feels about being an employed mother and how she manages the situation: Sometimes I feel bad, but I explain them the best way I can, that they need things that their dad on his own can't give th~m, and that I work so that they can have them. In addition, the majority ofnon-ambivalent employed mothers believe that women can be employed irrespective of the age of the children. All Chicanas who did not express guilt feelings believe women can work irrespective of the age of the children. A few of their Mexican counterparts, however, believe that when children are little they need the care of the mother. In Consuelo's words: •'When they are little and they can' t talk it is better for the mother to take care of them". not take care of the children because they do not trust strangers or do not like day-care. Sorne ofthese women said that they would worry a lot, for others the problem would be so that they would have to stop working. Laura explains how difficult it would be for her in the following statement: First of_all you don'tknow who is going to take care of your children, and yo_u can.'t trust those you bring home and how they are gomg to take care ofyour children. Ofthe Mexican employed mothers who did not express guilt feelings, only a few either indicated contradictory feelings about being employed mothers or mentioned children 's age as an important factor for women in attaining full-time employment. The majority of these women, however, can be considered non-ambivalent employed mothers whoview employment and motherhood as compatible social dynamics irrespective of the age of their children, although the majority believe employment could be problematic if a family member could not take care oftheir children. On the other hand, all Chicana employed mothers who did not express guilt feelings can be co~si~ered non-ambivalent employed mothers with only sorne believmg that employment could be problematic ifa family member could not take care of the children. Main Findings. Non-ambivalent employed mothers in the sample leave their kids in the care of a family member -grandmother, aunt or husband. Only a few Chicanas leave their children in day-care or with a baby sitter. For Chicana non-ambivalent employed mothers, not having a family member taking care of their children is not a problem, and even one of them who leaves her children with a grandparent said it would not be problematic. In Catalina's words: "There's always day-care". An_im_portant household structural difference was found among ~hicana and Mexican immigrant women. The majority of Chicanas m the sample carne from families where the mother worked or was the head of thehousehold, while most Mexicans carne from families where mothers did not work. Moreover, most Chicanas started to work befare marriage, in contrast to only half of the Mexicans. In other w~r~, ~hican~ were socialized to manage work and mothering respons1b1littes, while Mexicans were socialized to reproduce the u:aditional division of labor (i.e. stay-at-home wife/mother). This düference appears to be related to acculturation models and to contradict the dissimilar social locations approach. However, the crucial differences in management of work and mothering responsibilities for the women in the study were not based on ethnicity, but rather on age and the timing of life events. However, for the majority of non-ambivalent employed Mexican mothers, employment could be problematic ifa famíly member could For e~ample, although Mexican women in general did not expect to combme work and motherhood in their adult lives, because they �71 70 expected to reproduce their mother's lives, this expectation was particularly important for older women. On the other hand, younger Mexicans expected to combine work and motherhood even when they themselves did not have working mothers. Moreover, these younger women were employed before marriage (by the timing of work before marriage), and this early introduction to the labor force was an important factor in shaping their expectations. Age and timing oflife events was crucial in shaping attitudes towards work for Chicanas as well. Most Chicanas, socialized to manage work and mothering responsibilities and with a long working tradition of their own, expected to combine work and motherhood when married. However, older Chicanas who had working mothers did not expect to combine work and motherhood as did their Mexican counterpart. Similarly, sorne younger Chicanas who did not have working mothers, but who began to work before marriage, expected to combine work and motherhood as did their Mexican counterpart. The same influence of age and the timing of life event was found as I explored the extent to which long traditions ofworking in the formal and informal economic sectors (i.e. socialization) ease management of work and mothering responsibilities for the women in the sample. Although the majority of Chicanas had working mothers while most Mexicans had mothers who never worked, the guilt of the employed mothers in the sample was not based on espousing something different from their own mothers. The majority of the women in the sample who were non-employed when their children were of pre-school age were Mexicans who had mothers· who never worked (see Figure 1). However, age and the timing of life events accounted for crucial differences arnong these non-employed mothers. For example, it is not surprising to find that the majority among the voluntary non-employed mothers were older Mexicans who did not expect to combine work and motherhood and who began to work only after marriage and childbearing (see Figure 2). On the other hand, sorne younger Mexicans were involuntary non-employed at times when their children were of pre-school age, either for not having the legal papers to work in. the U.S. or dueto lay-offs (see Figure 2). These women began to work before marriage and, despite not having working mothers, their earlier work experience shaped their expectations of combining work and motherhood in their adult Jives. It is not surprising to find that the majority of Chicanas in the sarnple were employed when their children were of school-age (see Figure 3). This reflects not only their expectations of combining work and motherhood when married, but also their socialization process. However, almost forty percent of the Mexicans in the sarnple were also employed when their children were of school-age (see Figure 3). This could be surprising if we consider that the majority of these women did not have working mothers, thus, were not socialized to combine work and motherhood responsibilities. Even though a large number of employed mothers in the sarnple expressed guilt feelings, these were not based on espousing something different from thei r own mothers. The majority of these "ambivalent" employed mothers were older and younger Chicanas whose mothers worked (see Figur.e 4). In addition, only a few younger Mexicans whose mothers did not work expressed guilt feelings. However, ali older Mexican employed mothers expressed guilt feeli~ and these did not have working mothers (see Figure 4). Older Mexican employed mothers is the only group of women in the sample whose guilt feelings could be based on espousing something different from their own mothers. Sorne employed mothers in the sample, however, did not express guilt feelings. It is interesting to note that the majority ofthese were younger Mexicans and Chicanas (see Figure 4). Once again, having or not having working mothers does not seem to have a strong influence on guilt This group ofyounger women can be considered non-ambivalent employed mothers who view employment and motherhood as compatible, irrespective of the age of the children. The majority of these women, however, believe that employment could be problematic if a farn.ily member does not take care of the children. Moreover, internalized traditional social and cultural expectations do not account for the perception of work and motherhood as conflicting roles difficult to negotiate and reconcile only among nonambivalent employed mothers or involuntary non-employed mothers, but also among "ambivalent" employed mothers. By and laige, women who expressed ambivalence about guilt indicated n.on-ambivalence when they asserted that working mothers are as good mothers as those who stay at home and that women can be employed irrespective of the age of their children. [n other words, women who expressed �73 72 guilt feelings do not perceive that work and motherhood are conflicting roles difficult to negotiate and reconcile; they just experience these feelings. However, the labor force behavior of the voluntary non-employed mothers (almost half of the women in the sample) reflects their perception of work and motherhood as conflicting roles with demands clifficult to negotiate and reconcile. Nonetheless, for these mothers (older Mexicans), role conflict was reduced by avoiding work involvement when their children were pre-school age or older. Concluding Remarks. To conclude, I want to malee reference to three important concepts observed throughout the laborious task of organizing the empirical data analyzed in this study. First, the concept ofrole conjlict or the perception that demands associated with different roles, such as work and motherhood, are difficult to negotiate and reconcile. Second, the concept of negotiation which implies the presence of role conflict and involves a win-lose situation in balancing work and motherhood. And finally, the concept of reconcilia/ion which implies a reduced presence or absence of role conflict and thus involves a win-win situation in balancing work and mothering responsibilities. The empirical data analyzed in this study identifies specific areas of conflict, negotiation, and reconciliation for the studied women. In general, the most important source of conflict stems from the perception that family well-being and farnily economic gain are difficult to negotiate and reconcile. Farnily well-being refers to dimensions of family interactions separated from financial support, such as affection and caring. For example, most of the women in the sample feel guilt when they leave their children in the care of others while they work, particularly non-family members, because they are not caring for their children themselves. On the othe:r. hand, family economic gain refers to the economic need of blue-collar women to work. For example, most of the women in the sample perceive that when there is severe economic need the mother has to leave their children in the care of others, despite the guilt feelings they might experience. The conflict women experience between the need for caring and affection on the one hand, and economic survival on the other, shapes their attitudes towards work. Hence, women look at work as temporarily conditioned by childbearing and/or family economic need In order to balance family well-being and family economic gain women engage in a win-lose situation. Women negotiate their famil; ~d work roles when it comes to childbearing and/or caring for their infa~ts. They stop working for childbearing or childcaring when a famil! member cannot take care of the children, thus reducing the angmsh related _to family well-being. But, by quitting their jobs, they lose the econonuc and personal benefits they gain from their economic contribution to the household, which is the most important reason fo~ their work. Women also engage in negotiations when they remcorporate to the labor force once their children are ofschool age. Th~e wo~en c~ntrib~te to the household, but experience guilt in leavmg theu children m the care of others while they work. Finally, women reconcile the competing demands of work and motherhood when they perceive that work is an extension of their familial obligations and that farnily well-being is not in conflict with family economic gain, but these are rather complementary to the role of mother. Reconciling work and family roles involves a winwin situation where women do not experience guilt feelings and being a good mother means that women can provide for their children. ~ornen reconcile their familia! and work roles under the following ctrcumstances: when their work involves fumily economic gain; when they have or had working mothers and work outside the household is accepted and expected; and when their mother or another farnily member acts as the children's care provider. The conceptual distinction between negotiation and reconciliation as present~ he~e, allowed the identification of two ideal-typical processes m which women engage in order to manage work and mothering responsibilities: negotiation and reconciliation. The ideal~ical pr~ses proposed here should prove useful and helpful in domg empmcal research and in the understanding of the nature of the management of work and mothering responsibilities, not only among blue-collar Chicana and Mexican immigrant women, but across women of various ethnic backgrounds and occupations. · References Baca Zinn, Maxinne (197 5) "Chicanas: Power and Control in th.e Domestic Sphere". De Colores, 2: 19-31. (1980) "Employment ~d Edocation of Mexican-American Women: The Jnt~rplay of ModeDUty and Ethnicity in Eight Families". Harvard Educahonal Review, 59:47-62. �75 74 Crosby, Faye J. (ed.) (1987) Spouse, Paren/, Worker. New Haven and London : Yale University Press. Hodson, Randy and Teresa A Sullivan (1995) The Social Organization of Work. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Marks, S. R. (1977) "Multiple Roles and Role Strain: Some Notes on Human Energy, Ti.me and Com.mitment''. American Sociological Review 42: 921-936. Melville, Margarita B . (ed.) (1988) Mexicanas al Work in the United Sta/es. Houston: University of Houston. Ortiz, Vtlma and Rosemary Santana Cooney (1984) " Sex-Role Attitudes and Labor Force Participation among Young Hispanic Females and Non-Hispanic White Females". Social Science Quarlerly 65:392-400. Pesquera, Beatriz M. (1985) "Work and Farnily: A Comparative Analysis of Professional, Clerical and Blue-Collar Chicana Workers". Ph.D. dissertation, University of California? Berkeley, CA (1991) "Work Gave Me a lot of Confianza' : Chicanas' Work Commitment and Work ldentity''. Aztlan, 20:97-118. (1993) "In the Beginning He Wouldn't Lift E ven a Spoon' : Toe Division of Household Labor''. pp. 181-195 in: Building With Our Hands, edited by Adela de la Torre and Beatriz M. Pesquera. Berkeley: Universi.ty of California Press. Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist and Louise Lamphere (1974) Women, Culture and Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford Universi.ty Préss. Segun, Denise A (1984) "Labor Market Stratification: The Chicana Ex:perience". Berkeley Journal of Sociology 29:57-91. (1986) "Chicanas and Mexican Immigrant Women in the Labor Market: A Study of Occupational Mobility and Stratification". Ph.D . dissertation, Universi.ty of California, Berkeley, CA (1991) "Ambivalence or Continuity?: Motherhood and Employment among Chicanas and Mexican Immigrant Women Workers" Aztlan 20:119-150. Sobo!, Marion Gross (1963) " Commitment to Work". Pp. 40~3 in The Emp/oyed Mother in America , edi.ted by F. Ivan Nye and Lois Wladis Hoffinan. Chicago: Rand McNally & Company. (1974) "Commitment to Work". Pp. 63-80 in Working Mothers, edited by Lois Wladis Hoffman and F. Ivan Nye. San Francisco & London: Jossey-Bass, Inc. Stryker, Sheldon and Anne Statham (1985) " Symbolic Interaction and Role Theory''. Pp. 311-379 in The Handbook of Social Psychology. Vol. I, edited by Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson. New York: Random House. Thompson , P. J. (1990) "Toward a Proactive Theory ofHome Economics: Toe Hestian/ Herm_e an Paradibrm". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Amencan Home Economics Association, San Antonio, TX. Vtllarreal-Solano, Maria Olivia (1996) " Management of Work and Farnily Responsibilities Among Blue-Collar Chicana and Mexican Immigrant Women in the Lower Rio Grande Valley Apparel Jndustry''. M.S. Thesis, Universi.ty of Texas PanAmerican, Edinburg,TX. �77 Hispanic children on tbe Texas-Mexican border1 Laura Leio and Yolanda Padilla2 Abstract This article summarizes the itúonnation and anaJysis developed for a recently published report on Hispanic children in Texas. The report combin~ statewide data from multiple agencies with the assessments of local service províders. This cornbination of data illuminates both the prob]ems facing children and their farnilies in the border regions and the barriers to service providers there. It also highlights sorne of the efforts underway to respond to border-area problems. Resumen El presente articulo representa un resumen de la infonnación y análisis desarroJlado en la reciente publicación Hispanic Children in Texas (Niños Hispanos en Texas). El reporte combina datos al nivel estatal recaudados en múltiples agencias sociaJes y a la vez una evaluación por parte de proveedores de servicios. Esta combinación de fuentes de datos ilumina no solo los problemas que enfrentan los niños y sus familias en la región de la frontera de los Estados Unidos y México, sino también las barreras que limitan la efectividad de los proveedores de servicios humanos. También señala algunas estrategias que se están llevando a cabo para responder a los problemas· de esta área fronteriza. lntroduction. This article summarizes and explores the significance of a special report on the status ofHispanic children in Texas, which was recently released by the Center for Public Policy Priorities in Austin in partnership with the School of Social Work at The University of Texas in Austin. The report highlighted the state of children in the TexasMexico border region. The report is remarkable for two reasons. For 1 A m.ma- versioo ofthis articlehas ~eared in the Uuvasity Publicatian Discovay, an irutitutimal publicá.im of ruumt rcseardi at The Uuve.rsity d Texas at Au&in. Tu.e Kids Cowt A"oject "-mm spa!S(I'edthe dlú cdleáim rq,<dcd inthis articlehas pub.liSlcd ama-e detailed rt'port, ~aúc Childrm in Texas, availablefromThe CGJ1cr f<r Public Policy Priorities, 900 Lydia Stred., Austin, Texas 78702. The authocs wcn maobas d the team that oolleáed the data. They are partirularly indebted to Pamela Honnuth w.io reviewed the <riginal manuscripl 'Professors, Toe University ofTexas at Austin. �79 78 the first time, a range of data on Hispanic children, focusing on their experiences in the border counties, has been drawn from a multitude of sources. Second, a large team of people participated in making the report possible. Community residents, activists and service providers cam.e together in a number of communities to discuss the implications of the records and statistics provided by six different state agencies. Their contributions have led to the interpretation of this data. Through their participation and their visions we have been able to explore the implications of children's experiences and their needs for the future. This report's significance is related to the multiple uses for which it was designed. For policy-makers, it offers information on cornmunity needs. For cornmunities, it offers a clear presentation ofHispanic children's status. For researchers, it combines both original field work and an extensive literature review, as well as the results of quantitative and qualitative work. Two products emerged from this project. From the numerical data emerged a baseline of information from which to measure our progress in working with . Hispanic children in Texas. F rom the interpretations offered by people throughout the state we gained a number of recommendations for addressing the problems identified in this report. For those of us at the School of Social Work and the Center for Public Policy Priorities, one of the many rewards of working on this project was the opportunity to meet with people all over the state, and particularly with groups of residents, service providers, and teens in communities ali along the border. ln El Paso, Brownsville, Eagle Pass, and rural communities and colonias in-between, we met with people in individual interviews and in focus groups. The people we worked with had clear-sighted ideas about the problems they faced. They also had insightful ideas about the future organi.zation ofservices in the border area. Thus, these new data highlight a number ofimportant problems faced by Hispanic children in Texas. They also identify sorne of the innovative community-based prograrns working to assist Hispanic children and their families. Because a particularly high proportion of Hispanic farnilies and children reside in the border counties between Texas and Mexico (Figure l), this paper represents a special concentration on children in the border counties, the problems they face, and the policy reco.mmendations that emerged from conver. sations with residents and service providers on the border. Figure 1 Percent Hispanic Population ·-· Brew.ter " Di:moo t> BPaso Hdal.go ~ Jetf fl¡145 11 " ~ ~ u .: Kinney ~ Mawr:iclc al Presicio 9arr IJ IJ " Terrell Val Verde \\ébb Zapata o lJ " ,1 ro ~ ~ ~ ~ ro ~ w ~ ~ Appro~imately 80 percent of the border counties' residents are ~sparu~. Also, the_ popula~on of the border counties is very young, with a high proportton of children. While Hispanic children in Texas f~ many problems putting th~m at risk of continuing poverty, they, theu parents, and ~e commuruty organizations serving them present both a ~eful ~elineatton of these issues and ideas for ways of countenng the 1mpact of current problems on children's lives. We learned a great deal ~ut the status of Hispanic children in Texas. We also ~~ed the ~nds of ideas, new policies, and programs that commuruttes are trymg to put in place to meet these problems. Hispanic Cbildren in Poverty. ~le in 1992, one in four children in Texas were poor, Hispanic children were almo~t twi~e as likely to be poor as other children: over 40 percent of Hispan.te children in Texas were poor while only 18 perce~t ofwhite children faced poverty (U.S. Bureau ofthe Ce 1990)_. Hispanic children's poverty is most pronounced in the co~bes, where over 45 percent of the children are in poverty 1w ~ds ~f the children in Starr county, one of the poorest counties : t e nation according to the 1990 census, were poor. bon;:;:; Community ~oca~ and activists repeatedly retumed to issues of poverty when discuss.mg the conditions faced by Hispanic children. !he poverty has many ramifications. When families are struggling Jus~ to ~tay o~t of des~tution, they have few resources to devote to the1r children s educatton and supervision, to health care and preven- �81 80 tive practices, and to training and development that will provide parents access to better paid and more stable jobs. Povertyhas impacts on children that carry far into their futures. current employment in border counties is marked by low wages, instability, and lack of benefits. In many cases, adults working as migrant workers and in other low-wage and irregular occupations workmultiple jobs and long and irregular hours. 'J:he border counties have substantial populations ofmigrant and seasonal workers. Figure 3 below ranks the border counties from smallest to largest in terms of migrant population. While these households remain in poverty, their children also experience a lack of parental supervision. Poverty in the border counties is compounded by political factors, according to community residents and agency personnel alike. They explain that the relative isolation of the border region from urban centers, and from the state political apparatus make it hard for local leaders to be active and influential on behalf of their communities. One hospital staff person pointed out, ''Often decisions are made at these [state] levels that will drastically affect the border area, and they neglect to bring the border region into the decision-making process". Figure2 Unemployment Rates in Border 43 45 40 35 A community development director at a local agency explained that border area residents face problems in the area of basic services, '7he rnain problems that border residents face are lack of education and employment opportunities for parents. There is a lack of comprehensive health care, transportation, clinics, and adult basic education. All of this translates to finances. El Paso is distant from the Capital: few politicians trulyunderstand the needs of the border." Indeed Hispanic residents in Texas, particularly those in the border counties, show significant differences from other Texas residents in many ofthese areas. Residents in the border areas, agency staff, and local political representatives feel that the state government apparatus has relatively httle understanding ofthe distinctive issues facing them. This distance from the political capitol and lack ofunderstanding of border issues continues to prevent the border area from receiving both the visibility and the support necessary for an increase in service provision. Unemployment and the Border Regjon. In most counties the unemployment rates for Hispanics are significantly higher than the county average. These differences are pronounced in the border counties, where overall unemployment is also high (Figure 2). Thus rates ofunemployment for Hispanics are as high as 43 percent, for example, in Presidio county. 30 i 25 ! 20 15 10 5 o .,, ; ~ Ir ~ N " ol"' >J J ~ ~ f-< o :a l1 a:: ~ ·s j ! -~ ~ g, .®' ~ ~ :E :E "' A i p., iil ii u ia B<rda-Ooity Figure 3 Migrant/Seasonal Population ~ ~ 1 \J i ] IQ Maw:ócx Webb Val Verde Zapata FJ Paso Presidio Hudspdh Kinney Bre\l\Sle,Terrell JdfDavis-/2=====,====;=====r======;====/ Unemployment also affects children more directly. According to parents themselves, a leading cause of child poverty is the unemployment that plagues adults. Where adults have difficulty locating jobs, the children dependent on them fall into poverty. Much of the o 50000 100000 150000 Population 200000 250000 �82 Community members all along the border have examined closely the ranúfications for their areas of the NAFfA agreement. While many community residents were opti mistic that, in the long run, job opportunities may well improve, as reported by the Texas Comptroller's Office(Texan State Comptroller's Office, 1991), they are skeptical about the short-range impact of possible job shortages. They perceive the needs for job training and placement programs to equip people for the new kinds of jobs that may be emerging. 83 called for more diverse educational services, including technical and vocational training to prepare border residents for a changing job market. Flgure4 .Penmageoflmom Agw 25 aud<MI-WIO lffl'e Oinpletfd aw.s.a ,,_. Teens and Unemployment. Current job shortages in the border region have a particularly strong affect on Hispanic teen workers. Nearly 11 percent of Hispanic teenagers in Texas experience "teen idleness," being neither in school nor in the labor market. One service worker cornmented, ,,.he number of street children has considerably increased. Those children are generally between 1Oand 17 years old; but often they are also younger. Many of these children in and of the streets do not attend school and are without supervision. Frequently, their families fall between the cracks of the system and do not know how to access or re-access it". -~ Camtn ,.J 8~) ., ~. •. HicW¡,lp ~ ~ '"' ""'""'"""" o fMpttb. § Ml'L\i\lÍ<¡ 8 ¡ ? c:8 Kmey Mivtrid< lreiido &u Ttn-dl \hl ¼ere ""' Wd:o ~ -"' o 10 20 School Drop-Outs. 30 40 50 60 70 80 Perant As teen idleness figures sug,gest, school drop-out rates are disturbingly high, particularly in the border region. Across the state, almost half Health on the Border. of the school dropouts reported for the 1991-1992 school year were Hispanic. Furthermore, those children who drop out before the 7th grade are not represented in the dropout statistics. One newspaper article described one family's situation, "Last year, a school nurse brought us two brothers who were going to school on different days. One would go one day and the other would go the next. They were sharing one pair of shoes". These high drop-out rates are reflected in the relatively low rates of high school graduation in the border counties. As indi~ted in Figure 4, these rates range from a high of 73.2 percent in Brewster County to a low of 31.6 percent in Starr County. Poverty is not only tied to the high rate of unemployment and the diffi.culties faced by Hispanic children in school, but also to the kinds ofhealth issues faced by Hispanic children, particularly those children congregated in the border counties. The health problems faced by these children begin before they are boro. Hispanic mothers had the highest rate among all groups ofmothers in Texas for having received little or no prenatal care. This lack of prenatal care leads to a higher incidence of problem pregnancies, and the babies are more likely to have health problems. However, teenagers themselves saw the importance of continuing with their education. One teen from a border county explained, ,,.he only way I can get out of here, out of the life I know I will have is through my education ... If I stay here, I'm going to end up just like working all my life, working hard for nothing, just to get by". As well as teenagers, service providers and adult community residents Lack of health care is related to a shortage of medical personnel and facilities. The Texas Department ofHealth has identified parts ofali but one of the border counties as a "Health Professional Shortage Area". In these areas there is more than a 3,000 to 1 ratio between population and physicians. In fact, sorne residents of the border counties report that they go to Mexico for their medical care. It is both more af:fordable and more readily available. �85 84 Children growing up in the colonias that mark the border region face additional health problems. Through the last decade the area has seen high rates of tuberculosis, diabetes, asthma, intestinal disorders, and hepatitis. Especially those living in the unincorporated communities called colonias suffer the effects of water pollution, as well as airbom contaminants. Many non-urban residents in the border area get their water from wells, but many must bring their water in from outside sources. One attomey in the El Paso area described the following problem with water: ''People will haul water and store it in 55-gallon drums. The El Paso City County Health Departrnent conducted a survey of one colonia that had no potable water and found that about half the people stored water in this type of drum and that 70 percent of those drums were labeled indicating that the contents were toxic, such asmethylene chloride, stoddard solvent, and trichloroethane. People will use water from wells which have been contaminated by outhouses and septic tanks which are located 20 to 50 yards ofthese wells". Water pollution is not the only environmental problem faced by border children. Other common airborne pollutants include auto exhausts, pesticide sprays, and smoke from tire burning. Unpaved streets leave dust in the area. Colonia residents talked about the prevalence of respiratory diseases, and the throat infections, asthma, and intestinal problems experienced by their children. commented on the need for training for their children, 'What youth need is vocational/technical education, a 'Centro de Capacitación' or vocational/technical training school. This training would not require youth to have completed al1 schooling or to leave school. For example, classes would be offered from six to ten p.m. The youth would get out of school and, instead of hanging around in the streets doing nothing, they could be receiving training". In addition to the need for more doctors and nu:ses, we received comments on the shortages in mental health services. The poverty ofthe border region, and the consequent health problems, are marked by difficulties with food and water. Fifteen percent of the households usually do not have enough to eat; of these fully a third receive no food stamps or other food assistance. Children not attending school regularly cannot take regular advantage of the federal nutrition programs. The problems faced by Hispanic children in Texas are far-reaching. However, community residents had lots of ideas for how to respond to the problems they faced. Their recommendations included: Service Delivery along the Border. • The need for continuing educational and economic development. Ajob shortageis partially responsible for the éontinuing high unemployment in the area. Fu¡-. thermore, there are only scarce educational resources available to children and their parents to prepare them for jobs. Residents and program staff alike stressed the need for increased vocational and technical training. Although the large majority of children in the border region were born in the United States, the families of many of them maintain strong ties to Mexico. <;hildren and their families visit back and forth across the border. Family members seek both employment and services suchas medical care, where they are most available. Conununity service providers talked about the continuing need to coordinate programs and services with organizations in Mexico. Where such coordination is lacking, the services families and their children receive must necessarily suffer. • The need for increasing attention and visibility for the border area. Residents and community agencies called for state and federal lawmakers to visit the border regions to see for themselves the problems and the lack of resources. Border area residents should be drawn in increasing numbers to state boards and planning commis-sions. They looked for the equalization of funding across the state for social, health, and educational programming. They sought incentive programs · to draw health care professionals to practice in the border counties. Cornmunity workers all along the border pointed out that not only did children and their families face problems with poverty and job shortages, they also faced a dearth of public services. In the small cities, towns, and rural areas marking the border counties, services were often scarce or unavailable altogether. For instance, residents • The need for increased intemational cooperation. Such joint efforts should be addressed to the control of communicable diseases, including prevention programs. They should also be focused on environmental issues such as safe drinking water, the disposal of hazardous waste, and the reduction of pollution. �87 86 Many Hispanic children live in dire poverty. They and their f~ilies struggle, particularly in the border region, with inadequate baste and social services. However, the families themselves, as well as those offering services to families are developing a clear sense of policies and programs necessary to children's well-being. This report ~ays out an initial statement ofthe areas where need is great, and prov1des a series of measures documenting those needs. Bibliography Center for Public Policy Priorities (1995, May) Hispanic Children in Texas. Texas Department ofHuman Services. (1988) The colonias factbook: A suvey of living conditions in rural oreas ofSouth and Wesl Texas border counties. June. Texas State Comptroller's Offi.ce. (1991) "The U.S.-Mexico free trade pact: Payoofs and tradeoffs". Special Fmancial Report, November. U.S. Bweau ofthe Census, Department ofCommerce, (1990) 1990 Census of Population and Housing. Chasing myth aod taboos about race and Latinos Frank F. Montalvo Abstract This paper examines the impact of race and skin color on the social and psychological adjustment of Mexican Americans. The myth that race is irrelevant to the Latino's life chances and identity and the taboos that led to a conspiracy of silence about the race issue are analyzed in tenns of their origin and influence on ethnic identity development. The concept of phenotyping is introduced as a special case wherein racism has differential e:ffect according to the person's skin color Students become race conscious by drawing from Latin American colonial history and social science literature to construct a model of race relations that has implications for practice in the United States. Recent research on Chicano phenotypes and field interviews helped tie theoretical understanding to the assessment ofthe client's ethnoracial experiences and adjustment problems. Resumen Este artículo examina el impacto que tiene el orígen racial y el color de la piel en la adaptación social y psicológica de los Mexicano-Americanos. El mito que el origen racial es irrelevante a las oportunidades de vida y de identidad del Latino en América, y los tabús que condujeron a una conspiración de silencio sobre asuntos raciales, son analizados en términos de su orígen e influencia sobre el desarrollo de identidad étnica. El concepto de phenotyping es introducido como un caso especial en dónde el racismo tiene efectos diferentes de acuerdo al color de piel de la persona. Los estudiantes toman conciencia del origen racial del Latino al extraer información de la historia Colonial de América Latina y de la Literatura de las Ciencias Sociales para construir un modelo de relaciones raciales con implicaciones para la práctica en los Estados Unidos. Por medio de estudios recientes en pheontypes del Chicano y entrevistas se ha logrado bacer una conección entre un entendimiento teórico y la evaluación de la experiencia etnoracial del cliente y sus problemas de adaptación. �89 88 Chasing Myth and Taboos about Race and Latinos. The central theme of this paper is that race matters to Latinos. lts purpose is to analyze the neglected role of phenotypes in the assessment of life experiences, ethnic identity and acculturation in the United States. lt reviews historical descriptions, written and pictorial, of race relations in colonial Mexico and selected sociological studies in Puerto Rico as background. The developed concept of phenotyping, the di:fferential social treatment of Latinos according to their skin color, is developed and examined in terms of recent research on the effect of phenotypes on Chicano life chances and mental health. The concept is supplemented with case vignettes, which illustrate key variables that need to be considered in evaluating the effect of race on ethnic identity development and in assessing attendant problems. The vignettes were constructed from ethnographic field interviews with members of the Mexican American community, which were conducted by students for a human behavior course on cultural diversity. The interviews assignment sensitized students to race as an issue in their lives and in social work practice with Latinos, and as its having a persistent and unspoken presence in intercultural relations in the United States. The paper' s special focus is the Mexican American or Chicano experience, tenns that are used interchangeably but more often to reflect the preference of the author in the source document cited. Most white students are similar to the general population in being unaware that ethnic appearance is a forceful factor shaping identity, social adjustment and life chances of Latinos in the United States. They often lack a race consciousness which enables them to confront and articulate the. idea of race as a daily experience in their lives and in the lives of minority group members. Most begin a course on diversity assuming that culture, family, and language issues largely sum up the Latino experience. Many are surprised to learn that the extent to which a person "looks Latin", meaning Mexican, Puerto Rican, Dominican, etc., in:fluences the way he or she will grow up contending with skin color prejudice and race discrimination. They seldom think of Latinos as an ethnic group having multiracial origins and realities, and hence ethnoracial identities. Consequently, they are unaware of the serious lirnitations placed on assessment of problems and intervention with clients when the issue is omitted from practice. The lack of race consciousness can also be a major source of intergroup problems that are sustained by errant public and institutional policies which fail to consider race in their implementation. It has also resulted in a shortage of research into the nature and scope of the problem, and its speci:fic impact on the life experiences of Latinos. When the subject of skin color and Mexican Americans in the United States was examined by the author sorne ten years ago (Montalvo, 1987), there was only a limited body of empirical research (Cota-Robles de Suarez, 1971; Simmons, 1952/ 1974), case studies (Berne, 1983; Coles, 1977) and theoretical discussion (Arce,1981 ; Forbes, 1968; Padilla & Ruiz, 1976; Vasconcelos, 1926; Vigil, 1980). The subject was a serious and recurring theme in the arts, literature and folklore of the Americas since the time of Columbus among Mexicans (García Saiz 1989; "La pintura", 1990) and Latín Americans (Momer, 1967/ Selected studies in Puerto Rico provided early and additional insight into the social and psychological dynarnics of skin color preference. Together these works facilitated the construction of a conceptual model of race relations in Latín America that had implications for the Latino, and specifically Mexican American experience in the United States. The Origins of Phenotypes. Conflict between the Amerindian tribes and the Spaaj.sh colonizers, much over the exploitation of indigenous women, threaten~d the loss _of New Spain. As early as 1503 Spain officially d1spensed with the rule of descent, wherein the children of Amerindians in servitude remained chattel (Harris, 1964). While the change was far from uniformly administered, it reflected a policy_that allowed many inhabitants who survived war, capture and disease to be freed and inherit the colonizer's name, status and property (García Saiz, 1989). Also, about 95% of the estimated twel~e million African slaves surviving the middle passage were delivered to Latin America in order to replace the tribes that w~re being decimated (Palmer, 1993). As in the history of countnes surrounding the Mediterranean, in Latín America slavery was also regarded as a legal often temporary status of accident and misfortune with the slave having limited but protected rights (Harris, 1965). It was not associated with the �91 personal qualities. of one who inherited the destiny as a member of an inferior race. As such, by the mid-1800s more than half of the African-Latinos were free by law, custom or their own purchase, and entered the growing racially mixed people. In time family ties strengthened the new social arrangements, whlch created a distinct soéial form in Latín American society that helped displaced and dispersed the animosity between the colonizer and the colonized (Tumin, 1969). In Mexico a complex social hierarchy arose based on phenotype. At the top were Europeos (Europeans), or specifically peninsulares, Spanish settlers, who constituted about 5% of the wbite population. (All percent estimates for the late 19th century come from Lafaye, 1990.) They were disparagingly referred to as gachupines by the rest of the population, an epithet of unknown derivation. The Spaniards were regarded as the foreigners who forced their European will on the colonies. They claimed to be gente de casta limpia, a reference to people of pure caste who lacked Moorish or Sephardic Jewish ancestry, and in New Spain did not have lndian or African bloodlines (MachLachlan & Rodríguez, 1980). The Spaniard's elitist obsession with "purity of blood" established a "pec1<ing order" that shaped social relationships in the Americas forever. They felt superior and distrusted the larger white caste of Spanish descendants who were bom in Mexico and, by adapting and identifying with colonial life, became a source of a developing Mexican national consciousness. The latter made up 95% of the privileged caste. They were known as criollos (creoles) and were never sure of the absence of Amerindian, African or mixed lineage. Creoles were often barred from public office and their resentment, Jaced with envy, was no less fueled by creole women preferring to marry the despised gachupines. The total white caste was about 23% of the then estimated five-million population. "The opposition between Spaniard and Creoles amounted to a fratricidal struggle, for together they made up the dominant caste in a Mexico..." (Lafaye, 1990: 28). Comprising 25% of the population at the time were the mestizos, the progeny of the white caste and the indigenous Amerindians (52%), and to a lesser extent Africans and mulattos (less than l %). The sense of caste was no less vigorous arnong Amerindians and mestizos than among the creoles and Spaniards: "From the first decades of the existence of New Spain, lndians were victimized by Mestizos. Herein líes the origin of the climate of violence that even today continues to be one of the most striking aspects of Latin American life" (Lafaye, 1990: 30). Conflict was characteristic of the 17th century according to a colonial writer who described "mutinies, customs, pretensions, r~sentment, struggles, mentioning slaves and their masters, Creoles or upstarts, Indians and the despised Mestizos- indeed, the whole caste society that bore. the weight of the colony on its shoulders" (Rodilla, 1990: 48). In time the mestizos grew to become the largest segrnent of the population and to represent "the embodiment of [New Spain], its true sons" (de Orellana, 1990: 54), and the prototypical Mexican (Vasconcelos, 1926). Las Castas Mexicanas (Garcia Saiz, 1989) displays 135 portraits unparalleled in Latin America that depict the racial assortment in Mexican colonial families, often as idyllic images, in dress and manner. The paintings by European artists attempted to simplify the complex mix of castes and social statuses of the faithful "other" and organized what seemed natural: "It was in this society, where almost everyone mixed with every else, in a New Spain whose novelty was precisely this mixture, that castas painting arose" (Orellana, 1990: 54). Documents accompanying them indicated that there were sorne 53 castes recognized by the Mexican census during the 17th and 18th centuries. Many of the later paintings also contained stereotypic descriptions of the moral character, behavior and occupational status of the inhabitants associated with each caste, whích may represent the earliest example of racial stereotyping in Latín America (Sullivan, 1990). To complicate the problem, the divisions between castes were blurred to such an extent that there was little agreement over the criteria for belonging to any one category. This cultural management of racial differences facilitated interrningling, even as racial marital preferences became part of the language and customs: people avoided the racial stain, la mancha, in their chlldren by marrying into a lighter-skinned caste and thereby "improving" their status. It encouraged the practice of "passing" as a member of a higher caste, which was very common in colonial Latín America (Morner, 1967). A most important factor in reducing intercaste friction was the deinstitutionalization of �92 the caste system following the Mexican revolution in 181 O and the end of the brutal Spanish rule. It reduced the castes to a simpler and broader social grouping of whites, mestizos and Indians that received neither legal nor public recognition, but continues to influence social relations to this day. Nevertheless, cultural identity is secure in Mexico where one' s loyalty to the country's language and culture is not questioned simply on the basis of the color of one' s skin (MacLachlan & Rodriguez, 1980). Doubt occurs more typically when crossing the international border between Mexico and the United States. As many contemporary Mexicans and Mexican Americans can attest, skin color can determine how easily one is singled out and pressed to verify nationality. Separation and control feuled by prejudice and discrimination of the non-white population were evident early in Texas and along the border (Montejano, 1987; Simmons, 1952/1974) in the wak.e of people immigrating from southern U. S. states in the early 1800s, sorne with slaves and many with lingering but frankly rigid and caste-like racial altitudes (Fischer, 1989). Tbe Conspiracy of Silence. Not acknowledging the interplay of phenotypes and ethnicity by the general public is not surprising since it is only of late that extensive scholarly attention has been given to a related topic, the plight of multiracial children (Root, 1992 ). Recently Time magazine (Fall 1993, Special Issue) devoted an issue to the new multicolored face of America being created by "the world's first multicultural society", which was then followed by Newsweek (February 13, 1995) with a special feature on the growing multiracial nature of society. Nevertheless, public interest remains wanting concerning the multiracial composition of Latín Americans and Latinos in the United States and its influence on life chances. Whyis this? The answer is not obvious, and involved a search into different ethnic group experiences . In Puerto Rico Sereno ( 1946) explained that the myth of racial inclifference, what Betances (1972) referred to as "the prejudice of having no prejudice", complies with and helps preserve one of the key values governing interpersonal relations in the Latín culture, respeto, respect 93 for each person's dignity regardless of familial origin or station in life. Racial preference t.hreatened this sentiment. Combined with personalismo (warmth, openness and personal attentiveness), respect is so important in maintaining open and free social intercourse that it keeps racial stratification from intruding into every day affairs. As a consequence, there is more open conviviality in business and social life, in courtship and marriage among the races in Latín America than in the United States, despite the subtle but persistent preference for European appearance. The myth took forro in cultural taboos against referring to race as a reality in the family, cornmunity and public life, which helps explain why the subject has not been a major focus of public concern. Perhaps the collective folk wisdom sensed that to openly acknowledge racial differences might result in sorne members being more admired and sought after by the community than others and, as a consequence, receive more attention, affection and encouragement in their families. Sorne attitudes and customs regarding racial preference in Latín America are revealing of the way the multiracial experience plays out. Tumin & Feldman (1969) noted that although most denied the existence of racial conflict and discrimination in Puerto Rico, half felt it was better to have light skin, and no one of either race thought it was better to be negro (the Spanish term for black that is pronounced differently in the United States). The custom of entertaining dark-s.kinned relatives in the kitchen, much as servants, rather than in the front living room was common in the Caribbean (Sereno,1946 ), and was not unknown among Latino immigrants in the United States. It served not only to hide a source of social embarrassment but to imply that sorne relatives were not as much a part of the family as others. Among Chicanos, Arce ( 1981) believed that keeping race at bay by not talking about it prevented divisiveness in the community and helped keep families together, even at the risk ~f their cultural meltdown through assimilation. Acculturation, learning the values and lifestyles, and assimilation, joining formal and informal groups and organizations, remain individual and partial solutions to an intergroup and institutional problem that is to a great extent driven by the color of one's skin. The Melting Pot thesis, an ostensibly race-neutral process, encourages Latinos �95 94 to discard and replace their ethnic ties, values and language in order to be adrnitted as individuals into the opportunity structure of the larger society. The promise is embraced fully by many Latino families that have at some level accepted racism as a permanent fact of life and see life chances as potentially increased for at least sorne of their children. Therefore, survival in a country preoccupied with race is the prirnary reason the subject has remained taboo among Latinos in the United States. As a result it is seldom discussed in public, studied by scientists or considered in practice. The myth and its taboos serve members of the dominant society as well, which is necessary to maintain the conspiracy' s systemic vitality and viability. When race does not matter the public is saved the trouble of having to justify personal prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory behavior and explain institutional policies that diminish the quality of life for ethnoracial minorities in the United States. lnstead, many European Americans blarne minorities' retention of their ethnic culture for blocked opportunities rather than their own racial attitudes. They explain that when Latinos retain their culture, they remain estranged, discourage acculturation, become oppositional, fail to learn the English language and create a flood of social problems. Consider those who blame the "culture of poverty" on the family values of the Latino poor (Lewis, 1961, 1968). Thus it pays both the minority and majority ethnic groups to deny the importance of race in their lives. The first group remains mute, deaf and blind to color so it can survive in a hostile environment and the second so it can be absolved for creating it. Nevertheless, the reality of race intrudes on the conspiracy. Unlike Latín America, the United States retains vestiges of slavery's one-drop rule. The rule states that any trace of A:frican lineage classifies one as negro, and a slave It favored the development of a fixed, divided society that expects people to belong to, identify with and marry into either the white or the black race. While miscegenation laws were declared unconstitutional, the associated attitudes were not. Latinos have difficulty meeting these expectations because they do not constitute a race. Their variegated racial characteristics span light-to-dark skin colors combined with parts of European, Amerindian and African physiognomy as the result of their culture's management of race relations as a fluid, class-Iike caste system. Culture and not race remains the salient source of the Latino's identification. As a consequence a special and unique form of racism is experienced by Latín Americans when they cross the border into the United States. Phenotyping Phenotyping is the social process by which individuals are provided with opportunities or are discriminated against according to the degree of their racial similarity or dissimilarity with the prototypic member of the dominant white society. Family group members who look racially different experience more discrimination and are provided with fewer opportunities to improve their lives than siblings who are encouraged to acculturate, marry and assimilate into the mainstream because they look similar to the mainstream group. Phenotypes extend withingroup diversity and create a struggle with racisrn that neither the light nor dark members can escape. Acculturation demands modification in cultural and psychological orientation, which depend heavily on the person's ability to observe, learn and model the subtleties of peer behavior through interaction with members of the regnant culture. This requires "fitting in" in terms of physical appearance as well as lifestyle, which can take various paths. In each case problems associated with cultural loyalty and identity are encountered. In one path acculturation encourages the subterfuge of "passing" by lighterskinned members in looks and rnanner as a member of the dominant group (Brown, 1991), and rejecting ethnic ties and support at the price of inviting their ethnic group' s animosity. In an altemative bicultural path individuals of intennediate coloring retain grounding in the ethnic culture as they accommodate to the values of the dominant society in an attempt to have the "best of two worlds", but at the risk of keeping their worlds apart by splitting their loyalties and friendship ties. In yet another darker mernbers become entrentched in their ethnic lifestyle in response to blocked opportunities in order to protect dignity and identity in the face of isolation from the mainstream and having their allegiance to country and national culture challenged. These are sorne simplified models of a complex process, but they illustrate the potential impact of phenotype on life paths and adjustment. �96 What empirical evidence is there to support the proposition that in the United States Latinos are treated differently and experience different social and psychological conseq~ences because of their skin color? Phenotype Studies. The evidence is not extensive but it is emerging. Demographic studies based on U. S. Bureau of the Census reports by Massey ( 1993) found that residential segregation was based more on skin color than ethnicity or social class in Caribbean Latino neighborhoods in the northeastern U. S. and, to a lesser extent, in Mexican American communities in the Southwest. The study is signjficant because the ethnic social isolation experienced by darker Latinos limits opportunities for learning the cultural forros of the dominant group, which is required for acculturation and necessary for assimilation. Another key study on phenotyping focused sharply on life chances using a 1979 national Chicano sample of 1,000 bilingual field interviews in the West, Southwest and Chicago areas (Arce, et al., 1987). lt found that darker and more Indian-appearing Chicanos had significantly less education and income and reported more incidents of discrimination than their Jighter cohorts over two generations. They also identified more strongly with their ethnic group. Codina (1990) used this same data base to learn that dark skin was associated with higher self-esteem among Mexican Americans boro in Mexico. and with lower self-esteem among those born in the United States, revealing in stark reality the conse-quences of contrasting prototypes in Mexico and in the United States. Also using the same sample frame as Arce et al. (1987), Codin~ and Montalvo (1994) learned that phenotype, gender and acculturation (using birth origin as a proxy) were key factors in identifying problems with depression among Chicano men and women. Dark, Indian-looking men who were born and raised in the United States were most affected by phenotyping and felt depressed more frequently than Jighter roen. 0n the other hand lighter-skinned women who were born in Mexico and emigrated to U.S. reported feeling def)fessed more often than darker Mexican-bom women. One explanation for this counter-intuitive result was that the stress these fair women felt as foreignlanguage immigrants in the U.S. was the sudden and drastic loss of the higher social status they were accustom_ed to in 97 Mexico (Walsh, 1987). Also, as noted by Codina (1990) above, dark skin did not seem to be a severe handicap for the Mexicanborn, and it may allow other factors to come into play among immigrants, such as the degree that their status has changed. Conflict between role expectations and minority status in a lightcomplected, Mexican-born mother is illustrated in the next section on assessment variables. They also found that the frequency of feeling depressed increased as Chicanos lost their competence to communicate in Spanish. All phenotypes were affected, although the lighterskinned Latinos would have more opportunity to be exposed to the rigors of acculturation and to grieve for lóst roots. Language in this case was conceived as the visible tip of the cultural iceberg that exposed a general sense of lost cultural direction. The finding lent support to the proposition that retaining one's language and culture is the preferred mental healtll coping strategy for surviving in hostile environments. Relinquishing them handicaps minority efforts to manage the acculturation process with reasonable effectiveness and a sense of self-worth. Language, however, still remains tied to racial stereotypes. Ambitious light-skinned, Spanish-fluent Latinos with strong ethnic identity sense that Anglo peers at work feel uncomfortable around them because they present an "incongruent identity" that belies the stereotype that all Latinos are dark and speak their language fluently (Cox, 1993). Student field interviews suggest that dark Chicanos are often stereotyped as fluent Spanish-speakers when they were raised to speak only English by parents who, ironically, were trying to protect them against prejudice. These studies suggested that phenotype is a factor in the Latino's c~ntrol o~ the demands p~ac~ on his or her s u ~ by the social envuonment. They md1cated that phenotype is associated with levels of education and income, ethnic-group identification, degree of residential segregation, opportunities for acculturation and assimilation, language usage and mental health. The distribution of phenotypes in the Aice, et al. (1987) sample identifies the scope of the at-risk subgroups in the Chicano population: about one-fourth are dark Indian, one-half have intermediate features and skin coloring and one-fourth are light European in appearance. �99 98 - Additional Phenotype Variables. Field interviews helped identify key interacting variables that should also be considered during assessment of Latinos with concerns about their ethnoracial identity in addition to those discussed earlier, such as birth origin, acculturation and gender. The assignment required students to assess the development of ethnic identity by eliciting critical incidents in the subjects' lives that marked them as ethnically different and had lasting effect. They were taught to become conscious of phenotypes, thoroughly evaluate any concern by the client about skin color and tie theory to practice as the purpose of the course. The resulting vignettes are used in this paper to illustrate the point. As a rehearsal for practice, the interview experience added depth and breathed life into the readings, studies and classroom discussions. Personal identities were disguised and permission was obtained to use the information for research and teaching purposes. Childhood Socialization. Latino children are taught indirectly about skin color preference early in life and learn to see themselves through the eyes of others (Quintana, 1994). For Ana (fictitious name) a childhood mystery was solved unex-pectedly during a course on ethnic diversity. "I remember telling my mother when I was four or five not to put too much chocolate in my milk because I didn't want the milk to be darker than I was. It wasn't until I was in college studying ethnic denial that I suddenly realized that that was what was happening to me. I didn' t want the milk to make me darker. I was struck dumb!". Ana didn' t know how she learned that being dark was something to avoid. On the other hand, Antonio was curious about skin color as a child and was resigned to a false consciousness (Freire, 1970/ 1992) as he accepted easily and almost fatalistically the way "the good cards were dealt to me". He discovered one way that skin color preference is transmitted to children, although the rationale explaining it remained hidden. One of his earliest memories as a boy was going to stores downtown with his parents and noticing that most of the Mexicans were brown and most of the Anglos were white like himself. He would overhear his parents and relatives talk about the appearance of newbom babies and concluded that fair skin was better than dark. He never heard or sought an explanation. "I remember looking at myself in the mirror and comparing myself to other Mexican kids. I have to admit I felt good having light skin. That's life". Family Dynamics. Phenotype should be included in family genograms and standard protocols for assessing Latino clients and families. Attitudes should be sought about the skin color of children, siblings and other family members because they can reveal undercurrents of unresolved feelings that can plague the family for years. Splitting oneself into inconsistent and ambivalent prívate and public identities is often accompanies " passing" as a survival strategy in race relations (Brown, 1991). The confusion can deprive children of their important cultural heritage, as the following vignette about a woman who emigrated to the United States illustrates. Rache! was born in Mexico City, is fair, fluent in Spanish and well versed in Mexican traditions. " I feel embarrassed when people speak bad about Mexicans. I want to defend my culture, but I don' t want people to know I'm Mexican so I play along". She wanted to teach her children Spanish but was afraid that it would expose them to prejudice. One day her five-year-old wondered if she were Mexican because a girl in her kindergarten said she was because she had dark hair. "It upset me. I told her that she was half Mexican and half Anglo. But I needed to protect her so I also told her that she should say that she was white because her last name was Smith. In my gut I knew I was being dishonest with my child". A student interview with a family acquaintance revealed the confusion that can infect a daughter as a result of her father's rejection because she reminds him of an unacceptable irnage of hirnself. He describes his own skin color as as medium, but his younger daughter and I would describe it as very dark. He favors the older daughter who is light �101 100 and ignores the younger one who looks more like him. I venture to say that he has the same wish bis younger daughter has: "When I grow up I want to look Just like the Anglos". It's sad that he will not be able to help his daughter deal with her dilemma until he solves his own. Ethnic Density. Changes in ethnic density, the proportion of people from an ethnic group living in the area, can account for a shift in selfperception as the person moves to locations with different demographics. lndeed, current phenotype studies began after an accidental social-class link with skin color was made in an epidemiological study of diabetes in San Antonio (Relethford, et al.,1983). It was discovered that the average skin shade became lighter as the study site moved from low-income barrios to ethnically less dense and more aflluent middle-class neighborhoods. A transfer from the barrio to more integrated neighborhoods and schools might present problems for sorne children who feel self-conscious about being darker by comparison, or an opportunity for improvement in self-concept for others as the situational context shifts. She said that she became comfortable with her olive skin and dark hair after going to a prívate college in New England. Her classmates were dra~ to her dark coloring and features and her facility with the Spanish language, instead of having those attributes become the source of her problems. Self-Perception. Most persons interviewed reported the color of their skin with reasonable accuracy. Special attention, however, is given to discrepancies between the observer's and the subject's perception of his or her phenotype. Mispérceptions usually reflect a desire to be lighter, often implying that dark skin was a mark of inferiority. Studies about learning styles among school children support the learned-helplessness hypothesis of viewing failure as a personal, pervasive and permanent attribute (Graham, 1990). Children begin forming images of themselves as slow leamers and helpless in solving difficult problems by the fourth grade if they interpret failing as due to lack of inherent ability rather than due to a lack of effort and motivation. Edward Codina's study of Chicano childre.n in a San Antonio grade school who were about to enter tniddle school revealed that those who saw themselves as lighter than they really were, were more likely to score lower on standardized tests than other children (personal communication, December 1, 1994). Note that the issue was the discrepancy in self-perception, and not differences in skin color per se, which suggested a problem with self-acceptance that was expressed in lower test seores. The family's failure to deal with the issue of skin color can have devastating effects. Rita experienced severe difficulty coping with her dark skin that went beyond ethnic denial to self-loathing due to her internalizing the conventional norms for bMuty and being tormented by her reflection. She usually denies that she knows Spanish, doesn't care about cultural history or traditions, and equates being dark with being Mexican, dumb and dirty. Rita dresses as neatly as she can and keeps very clean. As a young child she used to dream she would wake up, look in the mirror and see a white face. "I was happy then. I sometimes felt that when I grew up I would become white and everything would be ali right". Early childhood experiences with skin color prejudice, how the issue is handled in the family, the ethnic density of the environment in which the person grows up and lives and the resulting self-perception of phenotype are assessment variables that exert an influence on Chicano identity development and subsequent adjustment in life. Summary. Phenotyping lays bare the persistence of racism against Latinos in United States that is steadfastly denied by blaming the victim and the culture. A conspiracy of silence about skin color prejudice keeps it alive and festering. But since co-dependent relationships require silent partners, institutions will continue to fashion policies and programs as they see fit until Latino communities and those advocating their interests reveal the sham and openly acknowledge that race matters. The call is for an appreciation of color. Speaking out breaches social barriers, talking frankly overcomes therapeutic impasses and publicizing inequality exposes the injustice. Still, racism is not decided for �102 103 long by changing individual and collective attitudes, important as they are in improving face to face encounters and motivating reform. Rather, it requires changing the cultural values that prefer light over dark and continue to poison the social atmosphere, and by challenging institutional policies that assume that ethnic culture is responsible for limited opportunities. 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Wagner (eds.), Chicanos: Soc1al and Psycholog1cal Perspectives. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby. Palmer, Colin (1993) Passageways: A History ofBlackAmerica. New York: Harcollrt, Brace, Javanovitch. Quintana, S. M. (1994) "A model of ethnic perceptiv&-taking ability applied to Mexican American children and youth". lnternational Journal of lntercultural Relations, 18 (Fall): 419-448. Relethforth, J. H., M. P. Stem, S.P. Gaskill, H.P. Hazuda (1983) "Social class, ad.mixture, and skin colo1 variati.on among Mexican Americans living in San Antonio, Texas". American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 62 (January): 97-102. Rodilla, M. J . (1990) ''Un Quevedo en Nueva España satiriza las castas" (A Quevedo in New Spain satirizes the castes). Artes de Mexico, 8 (Summer): 2234. Root, Maria P. P. (1992) Racially Mixed People in America. Thousand Oaks, CA Sage. Sereno,R. (1946) "Cryptomelanism: A study of color r~lati.ons and personal insecurity in Puerto Rico". Psychiatry, 10 (Spnng): 261-269. Simm.ons, Ozzie (1952/1914)AngloAmericans and MexicanAm~ricans in So_uth Tex_as: A Study in Dominant..Subordinate Group Relahons. Ph.D. dissertatJ.on, Harvard University. (Reprinted by Amo P1ess, 1974). Staff (Fall, 1993) ''The new face of America: How immigrants are sb.aping the fust multicultw:al society''. (Special Issue]. Time: 87 pp. (1995, February 13) ''What color is black?". Newsweek-. 63-65, 67-70, 72. Su.llivan, E. J. (1990) ''Un fenómeno visual de América" (A visual phenomenon of the Americas). Artes de Mexico, 8 (Summer): 60-71. Tu.min, Melvin M. (1969) Comparative Perspectives on Race Relations. Boston: Little, Brown. Tu.min, M. M., & A Feldman (1969) "Social class and skin color in Puerto Rico", pp. 197-214, in: M. M. Tu.min (ed.), Comparative Perspectives on Roce Relations. Boston: Little, Brown. Vasconcelos, J. (1926) "The race problem in Latin America", pp. 75-104, in: J. Vasconselos and M. Gamio (eds.), Aspects of Mexican Civiliza/ion. Chicago: University of Chicago. Vigil, James D. (1980) From lndians to Chicanos: A Sociocultural History. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby. Walsh, M. W. (1987, February 18) "Amid dark-haired Mexicans, blonds really have more fun". Wa/1 Stree/ Journal: l. �107 The voice of Social Work in the immigration debate1 Cora Le-Doux2 Resumen El debate sobre inmigración en los Estados Unidos ha sido formulado principalmente desde una perspectiva negativa. En este debate, fuera de las declaraciones políticas, la voz de la profesion del Trabajo Social se ha mantenido en silencio. El debate, en realidad gira en tomo a la anti-inmigración y los recientes cambios legislativos en asistencia social e imrnigración se proponen impedir y límitar la migración hatia los Estados Unidos. Estos cambios multiplican la vulnerabilidad de una población que ya está en una posicion precaria. La profesión del Trabajo Social puede participar como actor en el debate e influir en la legislación sobre este tema. La ideología de la profesión, sus credos y su código de ética pueden ayudar a los trabajadores sociales a encontrar su voz en este debate. Abstract As a contemporary issue, the immigration debate in the United States is framed primarilyfrom a negative perspective. Beyond fom1al policy statements, the social work profession is silent in this debate. The debate is really an anti-immigrant debate, and recent welfare and immigration reform is atmed at deterringand restricting immigration to the United States. These changes increase the vulnerabihty of a population already in a precarious position. The social work profession can be influential by becoming an active player in sl1aping immigration policy. The profession's ideology, value-base and code ofethics can help social '\Wrk find its voice in the inunigratioo debate. lntroduction. lmmigration. Use of the tenn sparks debate and emotion. As a contemporary issue, the irnmigration debate in the United States is framed primarily from a negative perspective. In reality, it is an ai1ti-immigration debate focusing on numbers and characteristics of immigrants. lt is a divisive social issue that evokes a variety of emotion~ ranging from anibivalence to anger. Officially, the stance 1 This article v; based oo paper prestmed at the Associatioo ofMe.xiran Amcricai Social Worka-s Annual Ccnfa-mcelicld augu5t 29-30, 1996 in San Antwio, Tcuis. 1 Ptofessoc, Wocdai School ofSocial Savice, Our Lady ctlheLake Uúvasity, S. Antwio. �109 of the social work profession in the United States is to insist "that federal, state, and local actions ensure equal protection from discrimination and exploitation for all immigrants, refugees, e,otrants, displaced persons, and undocumented persons who reside in the United States" (National Association ofSocial Workers, 1994: 147). 1n reality, however, beyond the use of paraprofessionals in refugee resettlement, the voice of the social work profession in the current immigration debate is disturbingly silent. This article is a beginning effort to include social work to the debate. It is important to add that although this article is written from the perspective ofa social worker in the United States, it is clear that national irnmigration policies and practices impact individuals, families, and social service organizations in the United States and Mexico. Jargon. 1t is important to keep in mind that like the general public, social work professionals are unfamiliar with the various legal terms used by the United States Imrnigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and with the legal definitions of these terms. "The terms refugee, immigrant, entrant, eligible legalized aliens, and nonimroigrant are legal terms used by the lmmigration and Naturalization Service to identify and describe individuals legally admitted to the United States. Each of these terms has its own eligibility definitions based on United States Department of Justice criteria" (Le-Doux & Stephens, 1992: 32). The classification of individuals arriving as immigrants to the United States varíes and depends on both domestic and foreign policies concems at the time. For example, in January 1992, the United States Supreme Court ruled that "men who flee their war tom countries after rebel attempts to coerce them into military service are not entitled to asylum as political refugees" upon arrival to the United States (Associate Press, 1992: l ). Also, often rather than utilizing already existing imrnigrant categories, the federal govemment will create new categories. Recent welfare reform legislation does just that. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (HR3734) creates two new categories of immigrants: qualified aliens and unqualified aliens. Qualified aliens include: legal permanent residents, refugees, asylees, those whose deportation is being withheld, those granted conditional entry, and parolees. Unqualified aliens include: undocumented persons and certain legal imrnigrants such as temporary agricultura! workers, persons with temporary protective status, and college students. Eligibility for federally funded social service programs by imrnigrants is complicated because depending on the program, "sorne categories of persons legally present in the United States will now be treated the same as undocumented immigrants for the purposes of program eligibility, and lumped together under the new title of unqualified aliens" (The Center for Public Policy Priorities, 1996: l l ). Also, there are exceptions - for example, individuals classified as unqualijied aliens may be eligible for certain social services such as immunizations, crisis intervention, and emergency disaster relief. It is important to note the use of the term alien in the creation of these new categories. The use of the term alien serves to dehumanize the experience of individuals and groups that are negatively impacted by the recent welfare reform legislation. It is also noteworthy that current welfare reform also specifies citizenship status as an eligibility requirement for federal welfare benefits. That is, poor and needy United States citizens are defined as deserving of welfare services, while poor and needy non-United States citizens are seen as nondeserving. As an area of social concem, immigration is routinely defined as a social problem. That is, immigration has a subjective and objective reality and depending on who is defining the problem, it viewed as either an outcome of socially induced conditions or of individual pathologies (Widdison & Delaney, 1995; Eitzen & Zinn, 1994). Although there is public agreement that immigration is a social problem, there.is lack of agreement on the magnitude, severity, or cause. Because of the number of players in the debate, there is also lack of agreement on solutions to the "irnmigration problem" . Players in the Debate. Various sectors of the United States population have a vested interest in the outcome of the immigration debate. Major players include: the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS); federal, state, and local governments; cities, schools, and parents; medica! providers; pro-immigration and anti-immigrationgroups; and human rights groups (Donegan, l 994). Tbe Mexican government, Mexican families with relatives in the United States and Mexican-Americans (Mexican nationals who have become U.S. citizens) who have family members in Mexico are also impacted by changes in immigration �111 110 policy and practi~. lt is beyond the scope of this paper to address each of these players. Due to its pivotal position in the debate, however, it is important to view the changing role ofthe INS. Historically, the position of Superintendent of Irnmigration was establisbed in 1881 and placed in the United States Treasury Department. In 1903, the office was transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor. In 1911, the Bureau of lmmigration and Naturalization was then transferred to the newly created Department of Labor. In 1940, the INS was transferred to the Department of Justice where it is found today. Philosophically and functionally, the role of the INS has changed and currently it is defined as enforcement of policies that seek to restrict legal immigration and stop íllegal immigration to the United States. Among the players in the immigration debate, only human rights groups and organizations representing traditionally oppressed populations question the constitutional and moral right of federal, state and local govemments to deny or restrict social services based on immigrant status. The official social work stance on the issue, according to the National Association of Social Workers (NASW), is that "the plight of refugees and imrnigrants be considered on the basis of human values and needs, rather than on the basis of an ideological struggle related to foreign policy" (NASW, 1994: 147) Beyond formal policy statements, the social work: profession is silent in the debate. Why the silence? First, immigration is not an area of specialization for social work professionals. Voluntary agencies serving refugees and immigrants rely heavily on the use of paraprofessionals in delivery of social services to this population. Furthermore, the individuals who are involved in service provision to immigrants and refugees are not likely to be publishing about their experiences in working with these vulnerable populations. This results in a limited nwnber of social work: publications on the topic. Second, in dealing with immigration policy, the social work profession follows the general public's practice of deferring to the courts and the legal arena. If social work professionals have anything to do with immigrants, it is because it has come to their attention that one of their clients is an immigrant (documented on undocumented). Unfortunately, it is the author's observation that social workers tend to view immigration as a matter of law enforcement and apart from the profession's domain. The Debate. A number of key themes emerge from analyzing current popular news media reports on imrnigration. First, as noted earlier, the imrnigration debate is really an anti-immigration debate. We do not have many individuals in power arguing that we should have more \mrnigrants adrnitted to the United States. Other prirnary themes are: the econom1c, financial, and social costs associated with immigration, current immigration policy and patterns, assimilation and multiculturalism, and humanitarian concerns (Le-Doux, 1996). Public opinion polis clearly show that the general public views past immigration to the United States as a good thing, and imrnigration to the Utúted States today as a bad thing (Morganthau, 1993 ~ Aik:man & Jackson, 1993). As "arguments against imrnigrants are rising again, it is well to remember that every single one ofthem has been heard before" (Weisberger, 1995: 42). Allegations that immigrants take jobs from United States citizens, negatively impact wages, and compete for limited education, housing and health services are not new. Immigration policies and patterns are another major theme in the immigration debate. In the l 990s, the United States is experiencing an immigration policy enforcement period. The 1986 lmmigration Reform and Control Act was signifícant because it signaled the beginning ofthis enforcement period (Le-Doux & Stephens, 1992). Although the United States is in a period of immigration policy enforcement, it does not necessarily mean that immigration policy is more restrictive. The 1990 Immigration Act for example, increased the number of legal immigrants who could be admitted to the U.S. by 40% and included a diversity clause that allowed up to 40,000 individuals from counties negatively impacted by the 1965 legislation to legally immigrate. The distinction between immigration policy, inunigration control mechanisms, and access to social services based on immigration status is an important one in the current immigration debate. The use of restrictive and exclusionary strategies, such as the recent welfare reform legislation, to deal with both legal and illegal immigration is a reaction to the immigration policy changes of 1965. In part, this is do to the composition of immigrants coming to the United States as a result of fundamental revisions to the immigration laws. �112 In the early and mid-l 800s, 95% of immigrants to the United States were from northem and western Europe. By the early 1960s, that number had dropped to 38% (Schaefer, 1996). The diverse immigrant population that exists in the United States today is an outcome of the immigration reform of the mid-1960s. According to Schaefer (1996), in the 1990s, individuals from Latin America (47%) and Asia (38%) account for the largest immigrant groups in the United States. The 1996 welfare and immigration legislation are in part a reaction to a sense that "our borders are out of control" (Turque, Reiss, & Liu, 1993: 25) and that it should be more difficult for people to enter the United States. Not only has the composition of the immigrant population changed, so have the settlement patterns of immigrants. Regionally, the concentration of immigrant populations heightens the emphasis and prominence of the debate. For state and local govemments, it is of concem that "nearly one in eleven Americans are foreign-bom" and that "one-third of the foreign-bom live in California" (Hansen & Bachu, 1996: 58). New York, Florida, Texas, Illinois, and New Jersey have overa million foreign-bom residents. Because legal and illegal immigrants do not quality for most federal programs, the burdenfor social service provision is placed on states and local communities. This is particularly evident along the United States-Mexico border where poverty rates are extremely high. Xenophobia is a constant when dealing the movement of people who possess characteristics that difl'er from the host county. Concem about the assimilation of immigrants and the impact they have on United States culture is nothing new. What does change is the immigrant group under attack at any speci.fi.c point in history. Cole (l 995) argues that in the United States the "Know-Nothings" have retumed And, that in the 1990s "the objects of prejudice are no longer Irish Catholics and Germans; 140 years later, ... the new 'they' are Latin Americans" (p. 67). There is a vocal segment ofthe population that argues that the United States "must restrict immigration to prevent cultural disintegration" (Auster, 1994). From the traditional sociological perspective, the assumption is that "foreign-bom and their offspring will acculturate and seek acceptance among the native bom as a prerequisite for social advancement" (Portes & Zhou, 1995: 61 ). Among the themes in the current immigration debate is the inability or unwillingness of sorne immigrant groups to assimilate to United States culture and society. Portes and 113 Zhou (1995) maintain that the "expected consequences of assimilation have not changed entirely, but that the process has become segmented" (p. 61). The authors argue that the immigration experience must be contextualized and that there are three aspects encountered by today's newcomers that create vulnerability: phenotype (skin color), settlement location, and absence of opportunity for social mobility (p. 62). Connor (1985) identi.fies language, proximity to source country, racial and ethnic difl'erences, and other variables that influence the assimilation process. The outcome is a pattern of "segmented assimilation", and the result is several distinctive forms of adaptation among new immigrant groups in the United States (Portes & Zhou, 1995). Recently, during a discussion of immigration, someone posed the question, "Is it a 'Mexican' problem?" In the 1990s, immigrant bashing is popular and blaming Mexican nationals for current societal woes is fashionable. "Ofthe 22,568,000 foreign-bom persons living in the United States in March 1994, 6.2 million carne from Mexico" (Hansen & Bachu, 1996: 58-63). Historically, United States immigration policy has been restrictive toward Mexican nationals wanting to immigrating to this county, and deportation continues to be a major strategy in dealing with people entering the United States illegally from Mexico. Upon arrival to the United States, MexicanAmericans3 are "hated for their differences and feared because of their growing presence" (Valdivieso & Davis, 1991: 11 O). The outcome, for many Mexican-Americans and Hi~panics in the United States is daily encounters with discrimination. The immigration debate in 1996 is not only about assimilation and discrimination, but also about the lack of social service support that meets the basic human needs of poor and needy immigrants in the United States. Is the United States, by denying services to needy immigrants, violating basic human rights principies? Although they are few in number and in resources, human rights groups and other activist groups are quick to challenge state and federal govemrnents not only about the constitutional Iegality of denyitig social services to legal and illegal immigrants, but also to raise moral concems about the recent immigration and welfare reform policies. These ' Toe tenn Hispanic is used by the feder-al govanment and includes Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Central Americans, and South Americans. ln the Southwe&em Uni1ed States, thetenn Mexican-American refers to individuals v,ho have Mexican ancestry and are United &ates citizens eithl2" by birth or throush naturali7111.im. �115 114 groups also question the government's motivation for excluding immigrants from social services. persons have access to resources, services, and opportunities which they require" (NASW, 1990). Prior to signing the welfare reform legislation, President Clinton said the restrictions on social service benefits for legal and illegal immigrants had "nothing to do with welfare reform", but was simply intended to balance the federal government budget. Officially then, the motivation for welfare reform is seen as an effort to reduce federal spending. Unofficially, federal welfare reform will reduce revenue to the states, encourage eligible immigrants to become naturalized U.S. citizens, and deter both legal and illegal immigration to the United States. Voice of Social Work. For states, welrare reform could result in a loss of revenue. For instance, in 1995, 186,572 legal aliens in Texas collected food stamps, and 53,160 collected Supplemental Security Income (SSI) (Zaffirinini, 1996). The immediate negative consequences to the immigrant population will be denial of food stamps and SSI benefits to legal immigrants that are not United States citizens. Furthermore, the 1996 immigration reform policies will double the size of the United States border patrol over the next five years. lt will also extend "deeming''• to ali federal need-based public benefits. The 1996 welfare reform and immigration policies are an effort to reduce federal spending, but they are also an effort to encourage citizenship and discourage immigration to the United States. Social workers can resign themselves to the changes brought about by welfare and immigration reform, but that does not help the people negatively impacted by these policies. The welfare and imrnigration reform legislation ignores the harsh realities of individuals who have to wait until a situation reaches crisis proportion before receiving assistance. We should take little consolation in knowing that "legal aliens who lose welrare benefits will not be denied non-cash services need to protect life and safety, such as access to soup kitchens, eroergency medical services and child protection" (Associated Press, 1996: A6). The reform policies may reduce welfare spending and restrict immigration, but a significant outcome is increased vulnerability for a population already ina precarious position. It is the ethical responsibility of social work professionals to "act to ensure that all How should social work influence the immigration debate? First by focusing on education, second by becorning an active player in the immigration debate, and third by adhering to our professional code of ethics and social work value-base. Education must occur at two levels, micro and macro. Schools of social work are mandated by their accrediting body, the Council on Social Work Education, to include content on at-risk-populations in both undergraduate and graduate programs (CSWE, 1994). A 1994 national survey conducted by the Displaced Populations Program of Howard University indicates that law and anthropology departments are more likely to offer courses on immigration and refugees than are schools of social work (Ross-Sherif& Gozdziak, 1995). Educating social workers about the immigration experience and immigration policy will not only create awareness about the plight of immigrants and refugees, but will also provide professionals with a knowledgebase that allows them to be proactive rather than reactive when dealing with immigration issues. Current welfare and immigration reform provide social work professionals a window ofopportunity by allowing for re-exarnination ofthe profession's stance on immigration, as well as global economic and social justice issues. The social work education arena is an excellent place to start that process. Does the profession adopt the traditional sociological assimilationist model when dealing with immigrants and refugees, or does it embrace a multicultural perspective? In social work, education and awareness about immigrants arriving in the United States is of little use unless it is utilized to bring about positive social change. At the micro level, each social work professional must become familiar with the recent changes in welfare and immigration policies. Additionally, social work professionals must educate themselves about pending legislation at the federal and state level. A proactive stance is required, otherwise the profession when dealing with immigration concerns will continue to be reactive. 4 DeEming is atean usedto cowrttheincom.eoftheimmigrant'sspcnsor asif it werethe immigrant's ín.come in calculating eligibilityfor govemmt'Jlt social serv:ice bmefits. The social work profession must go beyond packaged policy statements that sound good, but do nothing to bring about needed �117 116 change for vulnerable and at-risk-populations. As social work professionals we must become active players in shaping United States immigration policy. Using a human rights perspective, social work needs to step beyond the current debate on immigration that focuses on the legal and illegal status of individuals, and focus instead on the needs of the global community. Basic human needs and rights are not reserved only for those individuals residing as citizens in the United States. Basic human needs and rights are of global concem. In the 1990s, we are experiencing economic globalization. The economic focus ignores other aspects of globalization and it is the role of the social work profession to identify, highlight, and voice )hose as~. Social service ~encies provide the context for social work practlce andas such, social work professionals are in a position to gather data on the impact of welfare and immigration reform. Social work is in the unique position to add a human face to the inunigration debate. Finally, the immigration debate gives the social work profession the opportunity to live up to its ideology and value-base by adhering to the profession's code ofethics. According to the National Association of Social Workers, social work professionals "should act to prevent and eliminate discrimination against any person or group on the basis of race, color, sex, sexual orientation, age, religion, national origin, marital status, political belief, mental or physical handicap or any other preference or personal characteristic, condition, or status" (1990). By systematically excluding individuals from obtaining social services on the basis of citizenship, social workers in direct violation of the profession's code of ethics. With the 1996 welfare and immigration reform legislation, social workers fínd themselves being asked to become immigration officers. That is, they are now being asked to enforce imrnigration policies that are aimed at deterring and restricting immigration to the United States. The ethical dilemma is clear, what is yet unclear is whether social workers will adopt this role or chose to adhere to the profession' s ideology and code of ethics, and "advocate [for] changes in policies and legislation to improve social conditions and to promote socialjustice" (NASW, 1990). Conclusion. It is naive to assume that the movement of human populations will cease. It is equally naive to assume that denial of government services will deter the movement of individuals. Allowing immigration to be defíned as a social problem by the popular media results in policies that are aimed at maintaining social order. Allowing persons in power to define immigration as a social problem, results in policies and mandates that maintain the status quo. Both ofthese dynamics are at work in the current immigration and welfare debate. Immigration is a human condition. The strategies developed to address immigration must be humane. The reality is that it is a multifaceted problem that needs multifaceted solutions. Denying social services that meet basic human needs is not consistent with the social work ideology. There is no easy answer and no consensus. It is seductive to think that there is 'an' answer. In summary, the social work profession has an ethical, if not moral obligation to add its voice to the debate and become an active player in the development of humane immigration policies. Increased communication between social work professionals in the United States and Mexico on immigration issues is critical. New initiatives by professional social work organizations in both countries to make immigration a major focus of public policy action are also needed. In the United States, the National Association of Social Workers, for example must re-examine and revise its stance on immigration. Strategies must be developed that assist non-governmental agencies who are increasingly responsible for social services provision to individuals whose immigration status excludes them from participating in federally-funded programs. At all levels, social workers can be active in redefining the role ofimmigration in today's world. References Aikman, D. & Jackson, D. S. (1993, Fall) "Not quite so welcome anymore." Time (Special Issue): 10-12. Associate Press (1 ~92, Janua_ry 23). "Supreme court denies politi.cal asylum for enngrants fleemg militaiy coercion." The Daily Texan: l . (1996, August 24) "Clinton moves to protect legal aliens' welfare benefits". The Washington Post: A6. Auster, L. (~~94) "'1:he U.S. must restrict immigration to prevent cultural disinte_gration," pp. 56-62 in: F. Whitehead, (Editor), Culture wars. San Diego, CA: Greenhaven Press Jnc. �119 Cole, D. (1995) "The new know-nothingism: five myths about immigration,'' pp. 67-68 in: John A Kromkowski (Editor), Roce and Ethnic Relations. Guilford, CN: Dushkin Publishing Group/Brown & Benchmark Publishers. Connor, E. (Ed.) School of Social Work, Washington, DC. Schaefer, R. T. (1996) Racial and ethnic groups. New York, NY: Harper Collins College Publishers. The Center for Public Policy Priorities (1985) "Variables that affect the extent and speed of assimilati~n", p. 49 in: Mexican-Americans in Comparative Perspeclive. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. Council of Social Work Education (1994) The handbook of Accreditation Standards and Procedures. Alexandria, VA: CSWE. Donegan,C. (1994, February 6) "Immigration: Who bears the burden?" San Antonio (1996) Changes, challenges, choices: An analysis offederal welfare reform. San Antonio, TX: The Benedictine Resource Center. Turque, B., Reiss, S. & Liu, M. (1993, August) "Why our borders are out of control". Newsweek-. 25. Valdivieso, R. & Davis, C . (1991) "Racism causes Hispanic poverty'', pp. 180-114, in: Wdliam Dudley (Editor) Racism in America. San Diego, CA: Greenhaven Press. Weisberger, B . A &press News: 1L/5L. Eitzen, D. Stanley & Zinn, M. B. th (1994) Social problems (6 Edition). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Hansen, K. A & Bachu, A (1996) "The foreign-bom population: 1994", pp. 58-63 ~: John A Krornkowski (Editor), Roce and Ethnic Relations. Guilfotd, CN: Dushkin Publishing Group/Brown & Benchmark Publishers. Le-Doux, C. & Stephens, K. (1992) "Refugee and immigrant social service delivery: Critica} management issues". Journal of Multicultural Social Work, 2(1): 3145. (1996) The voice of social work in the immigration debate. Paper presented at Association of Mexican American Social Workers Annual Conference held August 29-30, 1996 in San Antonio, Texas. Morganthau, T. (1993, August) "America: Still a melting pot''. Newsweek. 22/23. National Association of Social Workers (1990) The NASW code of ethics. Washington, DC: NASW. National Association of Social Workers (1994) "Immigration and refugees'', pp. 146-148 in: Social WorkSpeaks (3rd Edition). Washington, DC: NASW. Portes, A & Zhou, M. (1995) "Should immigrants assimilate?" pp. 60-71 ~: John A Krornkowski (Editor), Roce and Ethnic Relations. Guilford, CN: Dushkin Publishing Group/Brown & Benchmark Publishers. Ross-Sherif, F. & Gozdziak, E. (1995, 0ctober 8) Correspondence received from Howard University (1995) "A nation of immigrants'', pp. 42- in: John A Kromkowski (Editor), Roce and Ethnic Relations. Guilford, CN: Dushkin Publishing Group/Brown & Benchmark P11bl.ishers. Widdison, H. A & Delaney, H. R. (1995) "Social problems: Definitions, theories, and analysis", pp. 514 in: Harold A Widdison (Editor), Social Problems 95/ 96. Guilford, CN: Dushkin Publ.ishing Group/Brown & Benchmark Publ.ishers. Zaffiónioi, J. (1996, October 6). ''Federal welfare reform impacts state's system", Column prepared for press release in ~ e t 21, San Antonio, Texas. ���� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Perspectivas Sociales = social perspectives Description An account of the resource Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Facultad de Trabajo Social, publicada en la década de los noventa. Editada por Emma Adame W., Luis Leñero O, Ma. Del Carmen Elú, Víctor Zúñiga y Rodolfo Garza. Contiene artículos de investigación científica sobre educación, trabajo social, ciencias sociales, psicología, etcétera. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Título Uniforme Perspectivas Sociales = social perspectives Año de publicación El año cuando se publico 1997 Volumen Volumen de la revista 1 Número Número de la revista 1 Mes de publicación Mes cuando se publicó Primer Semestre Día Día del mes de la publicación 1 Periodicidad La periodicidad de la publicación (diaria, semanal, mensual, anual) Semestral Relación OPAC https://www.codice.uanl.mx/RegistroBibliografico/InformacionBibliografica?from=BusquedaAvanzada&bibId=1753308&biblioteca=0&fb=20000&fm=6&isbn= Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Perspectivas Sociales : Social Perspectives, 1997, Vol 1, No 1, Primer Semestre Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cárdenas G. de Silva, Rosa María Subject The topic of the resource Ciencias Sociales Investigación Trabajo social Educación Psicología social Description An account of the resource Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Facultad de Trabajo Social, publicada en la década de los noventa. Editada por Emma Adame W., Luis Leñero O, Ma. Del Carmen Elú, Víctor Zúñiga y Rodolfo Garza. Contiene artículos de investigación científica sobre educación, trabajo social, ciencias sociales, psicología, etcétera. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Universidad de Nuevo León, Facultad de Trabajo Social ; Austin Texas, School of social wook, University of Texas at Austin Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Autin, David M., Coeditor Ribeiro Ferreira, Manuel, Coeditor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 01/01/1997 Type The nature or genre of the resource Revista Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource tex/pdf Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2016255 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Fondo Universitario Language A language of the resource spa/eng Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Monterrey, N.L., (México) Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. El diseño y los contenidos de La hemeroteca Digital UANL están protegidos por la Ley de derechos de autor, Cap. III. De dominio público. Art. 152. Las obras del dominio público pueden ser libremente utilizadas por cualquier persona, con la sola restricción de respetar los derechos morales de los respectivos autores Chicana Industria maquiladora Industria moderna Industrialización Latinos Mujeres Niños Trabajo Trabajo social