https://hemerotecadigital.uanl.mx/files/original/337/14323/PERSPECTIVAS_SOCIALES._1999._Vol._3._No._1-2._0002016257.ocr.pdf a5a73df55a84591cedf11ea7a9c243fe PDF Text Text Vol. 3, Nº 1 & 2 1999 ISSN 1405-1133 SOCIAL PERSPECTIVES PERSPECTIVAS SOCIALES Published / Publicado por The School of Social Work, UT Austin Facultad de Trabajo Social, UANL �FONDO UN"IVERSlTARIO �FACULTAD DE TRABAJO SOCIAL UNIVERSIDAD AVTÓNOMA DE NUEVO LEÓN SCHOOL OFSOCIAL WORK UNIVERSITYOFTEXASAT AUSl'IN Vol 3, Nº l & 2 1999 �Social Perspectives / Perspectivas Sociales Co-editors / Coeditores David M Austin, Ph.D. The University ofTexas at Austin Tabla de contenido Manuel Ribeiro, Ph.D. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León lt Editorial Council / Consejo Editorial Renée Dandurand, Ph.D. INRS Culture et Sociétés (Montreal) Germain Dulac, Ph.D. McGill University Todd Michael Franke, Ph.D. University ofCalifomia at Los Angeles Esthela Gutierrez Garza, Ph.D. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Cora Le-Doux, Ph.D. Our Lady ofthe Lake University Lauralein, Ph.D. The University ofTexas at Austin ,, Freddy Mariñez, Ph.D. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Yolanda Padilla, Ph.D.. The University ofTexas at Austin Ramon Salcido, Ph.D. University ofSouthem California Santos Hernandez, Ph.D. The University ofTexas at Arlington Roberto Rebolloso, MA. Universidad de Monterrey Norma Benavides, Ph.D. The University ofTexas at Arlington Leaming ffltere the lessons are taught: The broader applicability of the oork of a home serving discanled boys in rural Mexico J David Bassett An intervention "Mth street children in southem Veracruz 11 29 David P Boyle, Julio Jimenez Herrera, Meredith Golde Effects of immigration and Mlfare reform in Laredo, Texas Cecilia Garza, Michael Landeck, Nestor P Rodríguez, Jacqueline Hagan 51 Efectos sobre el nivel de participación de tres paquetes motivacionales José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate 75 Acculturation and client satisfaction in a sample of Puerto Rican mental bealth patients: A pilot study Israel Colón and Carmen Ortiz 99 Lessons Learned in the Development oí Human Capital Jaime Chahin 111 �Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Rector: Dr. Reyes Tamez Guerra Facultad de Trabajo Social Directora: MSc. Luz Amparo Silva Morín r , The University ofTexas at Austin Presiden/ and interim: Dr. Peter T Flawn The School of Social Work Dean: Dr. Barbara W White 1 1 k1 Toe articles published in this joumal are solely the responsibility of the authors. Ali correspondence should be directed to:/ Los artículos publicados en esta revista_son responsabilidad exclusiva de los autores. Toda correspondencia deberá enviarse a: Manuel Ribeiro Ferreira Facultad de Trabqio Social División de Estudios de Postgrado Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Ciudad Universitaria Monterrey, NL. 66450 E-mail (mribeiro@ccr. dsi.uanl.mx) ,, 1 or David M Austin School ofSocial Work, D35O0 The University ofTexas al Austin Austin, Texas 787/2 E-mail (daustin@mail. utexas. edu) This-issue / Tiraje: 1000 copies Editorial Comment This is the fifth issue of Perspectivas Sociales/Social Perspectives, a joint publication initiative of the Facultad de Trabajo Social of the Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, and the School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Austin, together with the support of four other scbools ofsocial work: the Worden School ofSocial Service, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio; the School of Social Work, University ofSouthem California, Los Angeles; The School of Social Work, The University ofTexas at Arlington and the Departrnent of Social Welfare, The University of California at Los Angeles. Dr. Mamiel Ribeiro and Dr. David M. Austin are serving as co-editors. Papers will be published in either Spanish or in English, with an abstract in both Ianguages. Submissions for the next issue are invited. Submissioo.s from authors in Mexico should be sent directly to Dr. Ribeiro; submissions from authors in the United States should be sent to Dr. Austin, to be forwarded to Dr. Ribeiro. Ali submissions will be reviewed by members ofthe Editorial Council both in_the United States and in Mexico. The journal will include papers that can be expected to be of interest to social workers and social work educators in Mexico and in the United States, including: •Articles dealing with issues connected to the U.S.Mexico border and persons rnoving in both directions across that border; •Articles dealing with research on social conditions which are common to both nations; •Articles dealing with social work practice issues that are common to individuals, families and commurúties in both nations; •Articles dealing with social policy issues that are common to both nations; · •Articles dealing with social work education that are relevant to educators in both nations. ISSN: 1405-1133 Printed in/ Impreso en: Monterrey, N.L., México We anticipate that these articles may be viewed very differently by scholars in each country. We would welcome your comments which can be sent to either ofthe co-editors at the addresses indicated. �Comentario editorial r· , 111 t 1, Preparation ofCopy Este es el quinto número de la nueva versión de la revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives, publicación conjunta de la Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León y de la Escuela de Trabajo Social de la Universidad de Texas en Austin, con el apoyo de otras tres escuelas de trabajo social: The Worden School o/Social Service, Our Lady ofThe Lake Vniversity, San Antonio; The Schoo/ ofSocial Work, University ofSouthern California, Los Angeles; The Scbool ofSocial Work, The University ofTexas at Arlington y The Department o/Social Welfare, The University of California at Los Angeles. El Dr. David Austin y El Doctor Manuel Ribeiro fungirán como coeditores. Manuscripts are evaluated by the editors and other referees. To perrnit anonymity, attach a cover page giving authorship and institutional affifiation, but provide onJy the title as means ofidentification on the manuscript itself. Submit at least three copies, and retain a copy for your own files. Manuscripts are accepted subject to non-substantive editing. Prepare copy as follows: Los artículos serán publicados en español o en inglés, con un breve resumen en ambos idiomas. Invitamos a los académicos a someter sus trabajos para los próximos números. Los autores de México debe-rán enviar sus trabajos al Dr. Ribeiro y los autores de Estados Unidos deberán enviarlos al Dr. Austin, quien los turnará al Dr. Ribeiro. Todos los textos serán revisados por miembros del consejo editorial de ambos países. 3. Draw figures on white paper with India ink. Retain the original drawings for direct transmission to the printer, but send copies with the manuscript. La revista incluirá trabajos que sean de interés para los trabajadores sociales y educadores de México y de los Estados Unidos, incluyendo: Artículos relacionados con la situación fronteriza entre México y los Estados Unidos; Artículos de investigación sobre las condiciones sociales de ambos países; · Artículos referidos a la práctica del Trabajo Social en relación con individuos, familias y comunidades en los dos países; Artículos sobre polítkas sociales de ambos países; Artículos sobre educación en Trabajo Social. Anticipamos que los trabajos puedan ser contemplados de manera muy diferente por los académicos de cada país, por lo que agradeceremos que nos envíe sus comentarios. 1. Type ali copy - including indented matter, footnotes and references- double-spaced on white standard paper. Lines should not exceed six inches. 2. Type each table on a separate page. Inserta location note, e.g., «Table 2 about here», at the appropriate place in the text. 4. 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[«...as many have noted (Johnson, 1942; Perry, 1947; Lindquist, 1948)... »]. lli Format ofReferences in Appendix List all items alphabetically by author and, within author, by year of publication, in an appendix, titled «References». Use no italics and no abbreviations. For typing format, see the following examples: Davis, K. (1963a). he theory ofchange and response in modern demographic history. Population lndex, 29 (October): 345-366. Davis, K. ( 1963b). Social demography, pp. 204-221, in: Be!Ilard Berelson (ed.), The Behavioral Sciences Today. New York: Bas1c Books. Goode, W. J. (f967). Toe protection ofthe inept. American Sociological Review, 32 (February): 5-19. Moore Wilbert E. and Amold S. Feldman (1960). Labor Commitment and ' S ocial Change in Developing Areas. New York: Social Science Research Council. Sanford, Nevitt (ed.) ( 1962). The American Co/lege. New York: Wiley. L.os manuscritos serán evaluados por los editores y por los miembros del Comité de Redacción. Para pennitir el anonimato, se debe adjuntar una página de portada en la que se indique con claridad el nombre de1 autor, su afiliación institucional y el título del artículo, el cual servirá como medio de identificación del documento. Deberán enviar-se al menos tres copias del manuscrito. Los manuscritos son aceptados sin garantía de que serán editados. Las copias deberán presentarse de la siguiente manera: 1. Escriba el documento -incluyendo el texto principal, las notas de pie de página y las referencias- a doble espacio en papel blanco, tamafio carta. Las líneas no deben exeder seis pulgadas. 2. Escriba cada tabla o figura en una página separada. Inserte una nota indicativa en el lugar apropiado en el texto. Por ejemplo: «El cuadro 2 va aquí». 3. Dibuje las figuras en papel blanco con tinta china. Conserve los dibujos originales para ser transmitidos directamente a la imprenta, pero envíe copias con el manuscrito. 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Si el nombre del autor forma parte del texto, debe ser seguido del año entre paréntesis: [«.. .Duncan (1959) demostró que ...»]. Si el nombre del autor no está en el texto, inserte en el lugar apropiado el apellido y el año, separados por un coma, y todo �ello entre paréntesis: [«... algunos han propuesto (cf. Gouldner, 1963) que...»]. 2. Las referencias de números de páginas (sin utilizar "p." o "pp.") deben seguir al año de publicación, separadas por dos puntos: [«se ha hecho notar {Lipset, 1964:61-64) que ...»]. Incorpore entre paréntesis cualquier frase breve asociada con una referencia: [«...han seflalado que ésto es así (pero véase Jones, 1952:99 para un punto de vista opuesto).»]. 3. Para referencias de dos autores, utilice solamente los apellidos; para más de dos autores, utilice "y otros''. Para autorías institucionales, proporcione el mínimo posible de información desde el principio de la cita: [«...los datos sobre ocupación (U .S. Bureau ofTbe Census, 1963: 117) revelan...»]. 4. Si hay más de una referencia del mismo autor y del mismo año, distinga la fuente utilizando letras ("a,b, etc.") pegadas al año de publicación, tanto en el texto como en el apéndice bibliográfico: [«...como fue sugerido anteriormente {Levy, 1965a:33 1)»]. 5. Cuando realice una serie de referencias, inclúyalas dentro de paréntesis y separadas por punto y coma: [«...como muchos han seíialado (Johnson, 1942; Perry, 1947; Lindquist, 1948)...»]. !¡ •¡ Í Formato de las referencias en el apéndice bibliográfico I 1 Enliste todas las referencias en orden alfabético por autor, por año de publicación en un apéndice titulado «Referencias». No emplee abreviaciones. Para el formato tipográfico, vea los ejemplos siguientes: Learning where the lessons are taught: The broader applicability of the work of a hóme serving discarded boys in rural Mexico J. David Bussett' AJ,stract A brief overview of the juvenile corrections model, along with sorne of its failings, is provided. The theories of D.W. Winnicott and how they were applied to the War Evacuation Project are discussed along with how they can help explain the success of a program for the rehabilitation of street boys in Atlixco, Puebla (Mcxico). Resumen Un resumen breve del sistema de rectificación de los delincuentes juveniles, y unas de sus fallas, es provisto. Las teorías de Winnicott y como fueron aplicados al Proyecto de Evacuación durante la Guerra son tratadas, y también como pueden ser entendidas en aplicación con respeto a un programa de rehabilitación para los niños de la calle en Atlixco, Puebla (México). Introduction Davis, Kingsley ( 1963a). Toe theory ofchange and response in modem demographic history. Population Jndex 29 (October): 345-366. Davis, Kingsley (1963b). Social demography, pp. 204-221, en: Bemard Berels~m (ed.), The Behavioral Sciences Today. New York: Basic Books. Goode, W. J. ( 1967). Toe protection of the inept. American Sociological Review, 32 (February): 5-19. Moore, Wilbert E. y Arnold S. Feldman (1960). Labor Commitment and Social Change in Developing Areas. New York: Social Science Research Council. Sanford, Nevitt (ed.) (1962). The American College. New York: Wiley. Toe issue ofhow society is to deal withjuveniles who break the law and breach social contract is one with which most cultures struggle. Two primary goals for efforts at intervention are rehabilitation ofyouth, in the interest of future successful living, and social control, in the interest ofprotecting the public. Here in the USA, efforts at rehabilitation and control have included such mechanisms as family court, juvenile court, probation,juvenile detention facilities, refonn schools, and coerced enlistment into military service. In recent years, the "boot camp" program to which young offenders are sent and subjected to • months of marching, drill practice, exercise, conforrnity, and verbal 1 University of South Florida, School of Social Work �12 J. David Bassett abuse has been popular with legislators, law enforcement personnel, criminologists, and those who make a business of contracting such services. In general, young people who are labeled as criminal have been distinguished from young people labeled as ill, abandoned. or abused and have been intervened within prograrns that are based on a judicial model. That is, facing consequences and repaying society through time limited confinements during which strenuous demands are placed upon the young person. Toe apparent premise is that such individuals will succeed ifthey "learn their lesson" and permanently "shape up" through exposure to a time limited intervention. Those who do not succeed on these terms are labeled as recidivistic and tend to be placed in a series of ever more stringent, controlling, unempathic (and expensive) placements, often until they graduate to the adult corrections system (Kapp, 1998). ,, ·¡ 1 11 The causes of the high leve! of failure of this model of intervention are the subject ofmany current scientific and public debates. Despite clear evidence that quality of attachment, that is the contident expectation that primary care providers will be there to provide emotional and material support, is a significant variable in delinquency (SokolKatz et al., 1997; Utting, 1996; Smith & Krohn, 1995; and Bom etal., 1997; Zide, 1990) proposals based on altemate conceptualizations, child development and attachment, rarely enter the public discourse. Rather, our society appears to be locked into a cycle of doing ever more of that which has been manifestly demonstrated not to work very well, control, coercion, and punishment. Part ofthe reason for the failure of our efforts may be that distinction between youths who are labeled as criminal versus those labeled as abandoned, abused, neglected, and traumatized is largely spurious. Youths who enter the juvenile justice system, as a group, tend t9 have histories of neglect, abuse, and exposure to violen ce and poor parenting (Brown, et al., 1999). That is, they have suffered multiple, frequently overwhelming failure within their environrnents that should have provided respectful holding and facilitation of development. Often the decision whether a child will be viewed as a perpetrator or a victim is based more on the child's race, the social status of the parent(s), the prevailing political mood, and leve! ofsupports which can be brought to bear upon the situation. The child's developmental learning where the lessons are taught... 13 history, relational capacities, and past trauma are rarely significant factors in deciding how the child will be labeled. How the child is labeled and availability of resources will directly affect whether the juvenile justice system, the mental health system, or the child welfare system will predominantly mediate treatment efforts. Granted, :n theory these systerns offoster care, correction, and interpretation of experience are supposed to interact to provide comprehensive and coherent care, in an institutional analogue of energetic and appropriate parenting. However, the reality frequently, or usually, falls far short ofthat ideal. This paper will describe a residential program for abused and abandoned boys who hav~ been in considerable difficulty with the juvenile justice system, which I visited in May 1999. Located near Atlixco in the stat_e of Puebla, Mexico, this program appears to take a developmental app~oach to treating the underlying causes of antisocial beha-· vior. The methods used in rehabilitation will be compared with the prescriptions for treatrnent developed by English pediatrician, developmental theorist, and psychoanalyst, Donald Woods Winnicott, and comments regarding the replicability ofsuch a program will be offered. Instituto Poblano de Readaptación, A.C. (IPODERAq History IPODERAC was founded in 1966 by Maria Elena Landa, a nun who was inspired by the work of the Catholic Order ofMercy, Maria Elena Gomez and severa! additional associates and grew out oftheir prison work in Puebla. During the course of their prison work, they learned that the majority ofthe convicts had experienced abuse and abandonment as children, which had eventually been followed by incarceration in destructive environments. Focusing their energies toward creating a wholesome home for such boys, they took out personal Ioans, pawned their possessions, and even requested donations on the streets in order to huy a small plot of land outside of Atlixco. As they continued soliciting assistance, larger donations were secured which allowed the gradual construction of simple residences, each for a . small number ofboys anda caretaker, anda health clinic. As of 1999, IPODERAC houses 72 boys between the ages of5 and 20. Average length ofstay is twelve years, according to the current director, Agustin Landa (personal communication, 1999) and, to date, the organization has raised 352 abused and abandoned street boys. These boys' �14 J. David Bassett p~ents have died, never really functioned as parents, or have totally reJected them. Mosthave been in multiple failed placements and are g~neraily referred through the criminal justice system. The organization supports its work partially through contributions but, primarily, ihrough the care of a herd of goatc; and the production of a small cheese factory (Austin et al., 1998; Landa, 1999)). Philosophy 11•· ,. ili, The org~zation aims to foster re-adaptation to society by providing a stable home environment in which education, self-esteem, identity and productive habits, along with a work orientation can be encouraged and allowed to develop. The underlying premise is that street youth need cpnsiderable help and time in adapting themselves to pro-social expectations and are deserving of special protection, care, and patience. As such, boys visit before deciding to come to live there and agree to live by the rules and expectations devised by the community. Every attempt is made to resolve difficulties through the use of community meetings and consensus seeking. The gates are open throughout each <lay and the boys are free to go and, in•fact, it appears to be almost expected that boys will need to leave at least once, in order to fully ascertain whether life at IPODEAC is better than on the streets. Yet Sr. Landa estimates that attrition is only about 4% per year. Attending public school, the vast majority pass their yearly exams anda few are at the top oftheir classs. It is assumed that the boys may need to stay at IPODERAC until reaching adulthood in order to optimally recover from prior abuse and neglect. Part of such recovery is preparation for productive work and the residents are allowed to delay their departure into young adulthood so long as they are actively engaged in improving their work prospects. Another important aspect of recovery is placing prior parental abándonment within the context of the caring relationship of the IPODERAC community. That is, it is believed that IPODERAC offers an emotional experience that can be corrective ofpast abandonment, deprivation, and abuse (Landa, 2000). Principies of Operation Each age group of twelve boys, except the oldest, has an Educator living with it in a cottage. The Educator is their primary caregiver. The Educators are single males with high scbool educations who are -usually recruited by word of mouth. Tbeir average length of stay is Learning where the lessons are taught... 15 three and one half years. They are supervised and supported in their work, through individual weekly meeting, and in twice-weekly group supervi-sion by Dr. Fernando Balli (Austin, Bermudez, & Escobar, 1998; Landa, 2000). In addition, the organization has begun a formal training pro-gram in hurnanistic psychology and Gestalt sensitization which, they believe better enable the educators to understand thernselves and foster self-understanding in the boys. At the time of my visit, on May 5, 1999, Sr. Landa stated words to the effect that to the boys, at a symbolic level, he is the father and Dr. Balli is the mother, clearly suggesting that he understands that the organization is providing re-parenting experiences (Landa, 1999, 2000). Toe non-coercive, empathic approach to residential problems was demonstrated in a number ofways, during my short visit. For example, Sr. Landa (1999) pointed out that the boys' bedrooms each house three boys. He explained that this was a conscious management decision as many of the boys are "prematurely sexual." He went on to explain that many bave engaged in male to male prostitution for survival while others bave joined with other males for comfort and contact during their extremely deprived lives. He explained that pairs ofboys living in close proximity were at risk offonning primary involvements that would interfere with their ability to benefit from the program. Upon further inquiry, it was my understanding that the concem was that these involvements would be habitual, or traumatic repetition, and not a reflection of core identity. He explained that, due to their deprivation, these boys are unable to yet know their true identity, and primary sexual involvements ofthis type may interfere with core identity formation. The sleeping arrangements were a tactful way of protecting the boys from re-enacting their adaptations bom oftrauma and shortchanging their own development. Another example: There was a community meeting going on during my tour of the faci Iity. As we viewed the campus, we encountered two youths sitting alone. Sr. Landa informed them of the meeting and asked if they knew of it. They agreed they did but stated they did not plan to attend. Sr. Landa simply asked to go infonn the leader that they would not be attending so he would not worry about where they were. (Landa, 1999). Also, many of the boys come to IPODERAC never having attended school. The staff first attempts to assess the child's educational level and, often, the Educator attends school with the child every day until he is able to comfortably go on his own or with the group. As the child continues in school, the Educator participates as needed in the role of an involved �16 J David Bassett and concemed parent (Landa 2000). Finally, while touring the facilitr, I saw boys with braces on their teeth. While this was unremi,Iked upon, such care in a poor country is a major invest-ment in the selfesteem of a child. Such an investment in discarded children is rare in ibis, the most wealthy country in the world. "The combined living, working, and educational experience was aimed at creating a transformation process: developing va!ues, attitudes, and behaviors that would enable the children to become independent, productive, and responsjble members of society (Austin et al, 1998: 3). Formal outcome data are not available, as the organiz.ation has focused its stretched resources on direct service to children. In addition, tracking individuals is very difficult in Mexico, as the nation does not have a univers'al system of identifiers, such as Social Security numbers. However, a number of graduates have worked at IPODERAC in the cheese making operation and many ofthe graduates return for Christmas. A follow-up project is something that Sr. Landa believes is.needed but the resources have not been available (Landa, 1999). That the current director has the same surname as the founder is not coincidentaL Agustin Landa is the nephew of Maria Elena Landa: The son of a landholding family in Northem Mexico, he volunteered at IPODERAC during college. Sr. Landa recounted that his aunt and the board of directors asked hirn to take over management, as Srta. Landa faced declining health and retirement in 1988. He was asked to assume leadership because he was the only person available who fully understood the treatment model, which has never been written down. He fully expected to stay only a couple of years, in order to satisfy social service requirement attached to free public education in Mexico (Landa, 1999). In 1990, he was offered the farnily ranch on condition he would retum to manage it. After consulting with his wife, who supported his prior assertions that "God will provide for us ifwe concem ourselves with his realm", Sr. Landa declined ownership of the ranch and remains at IPODERAC. Although he could eam many times his salary as a trained agronomist, he reflected "There have been many other times we have asked ourselves if we should leave or have thought it was the moment for others to carry on, but we have always concluded that a better life we still could not find" (Austin et aL, 1998: 4). Learning where the lessons are taugl,t... 17 D.W. Winnicott's ideas regardiug development, illness, and health Donald Woods Winnicott was an English pediatrician/psychoanalyst who practiced and wrote between 1920 and 1971. From the beginning of his long career, he attempted to develop a unified perspective on the relationship between physical development, emotional development, parenting functions, behavioral disturbances, and emotional disturbances. His writings are a collection of lectures, short papers, radio addresses, reflections, and poems, many ofwhich are published posthumously in thematic collections by his executors, under the Ieadership of his second wife Ciare Winnicott. His work may not qualify as a fully integrated psychological theory such as that developed by Sigmund Frt:ud. However, it offers rich and exciting ideas regarding the interplay between nature and nurture and a coherent set of perceptual, attitudinal, and behavioral guidelines for effective treatment, especially for those who have experienced profound environmental failure during early life. Further, his ideas regarding treatment were put to the test during World War II when he led a county division ofthe War Evacuation Project. This work had considerable success. Winnicott's ideas on development were built on group of constructs, which grew, primarily, out of his work at Padding Green Hospital, London. I am indebted to Jeffrey Applegate and Jennifer Bonovitz ( 1995), authors of a wonderful book on the integration of Winnicott's ideas into Social Work practice, for the structure ofthis section which, dueto the nature ofthis paper, is highly sirnplified. What follows is a briefreview of sorne of Winnicott's more influential observations and constructs. Absolute Dependence Winnicott believed that, at birth, the infant is totally dependent on its prirnary caretaker. Paradoxically, the infant cannot existas a separate entity yet, through interaction, it is able to begin to integrate its experience in ways that are unique and fonnative (Applegate & Bonovitz, 1995; Winnicott, 1960, 1988) The Holding Environment Winnicott proposed that the qualities of the infant care situation, from the skills, attitudes, and mental health ofthe primary caretaker, to the physical environment in the home, to the nature ofthe marriage, �18 J. David Bassett Learning where the lessons are taught... 19 to the economic conditions of the parents, to the stability of the community ali constitute a setting whose characteristics are ali relevant to how the child's inbom potentials will be activated or thwarted. The person irnmediately responsible for mediating the characteristics of the environment to the needs and capacities ofthe child is the primary caretaker. To the degree that the prirnary caretaker is able to do this in a satisfactory manner, (s)he is providing adequate holding. 1t was Winnicott's view that adequate holding was a necessary precondition to the development of an integrated sense of self and of others (Applegate and Bonovitz, 1995; Winnicott, 1956). nually within reach. Winnicott believed that, at this point in development, children begin to become able to symbolize the caretaker's sootbing qualities onto inanimate objects, such as a specific bJanket or fluffy toy. Such chosen objects are called transitional objects and are thought to help the child transition from the beliefthat the primary caretaker and his/her emotional supplies are under the infant's ornnipotent control. In a larger sense, the abiJity to recognize separateness yet invest interactions with a sense of shared experience is also an aspect oftransitional process (Applegate and Bonovitz, 1995; Winnicott, 1953). Ego Relatedness Object Relating and Object Use Winnicott proposed that the processes of childcare, which involve the opportunity for eye contact between infant and primary caretaker, are critical to the infant's developing sense of sel f. To the degree that these contacts are mutually pleasant, empathic, and pleasurable, the child will come to experience himself or herselfas pleasing, loveable, and emotionally connected. This experience of mutual pleasure, Winnicott called ego relatedness (Applegate & Bonovitz, 1995; Winnicott, 1958). Winnicott. believed that, as the child develops in its capacity to recognize that others are autonomous beings, it makes a shift from relating to objects asan extension ofthe fantasy system of control to actual interaction that calls for accommodation to the reality and separateness ofthe object. He viewed real interaction asan indispensable avenue of growth and termed this shift as being from object relating to object use because the relationship with the object -is used to further development (Applegate & Bonovitz, 1995; Winnicott, 197 l ). The inability to use objects for growth and instead relentlessly exploit objects for transient gratification is a characteristic of antisocial tendency. Winnicott viewed the antisocial tendency as a developmental failure and the acting out asan attempt at situational rectification by the child, who still has sorne hope of appropriate nurturance and boundaries. Implicit, then, is that the consistent provision of nurturance and boundaries can be curative (Winnicott, 1956). Relative Dependence In his clinical experience, Winnicott observed that at age five to six months, infants' behavior changes in fundamental ways. He noticed that infants become abJe to interact in playful ways. From this he inferred that at this point in development chiJdren are able to begin to understand the distinctions between self and other. With this comes the recognition that the primary caretaker can gratify or frustrate. This capability allows the infant to experience its emotions as being in relation to others and, hopefully, to begin to appreciate that its emotional state has relevance to the emotional state of important others. While the child is still emotionally dependen! upon the primary caretaker, it is less so venturing on its own to explore and interact with the enviromnent (Applegate and Bonovitz. 1995; Winnicott, 1941 ). The Transitional Process As the child develops into being less than totally dependent, the caretaker tends to become less available for gratifying every wish. While optimal care will shield the child against overwhelming frustration, the child still has the need to experience comfort as being conti- Toward Independence As the child masters locomotion and speech, and begins to interact in the world outside of the irnmediate farnily, the opportunities for social interaction widen. This leads to increased opportunity to become cognizant ofthe distinctions between interna! and extemal reality and to experiencing greater and greater independence. W.innicott held full independence is never accomplished as being humanly interconnected always implies sorne leve! of mature dependence. Further, he believed that the nature of our adult relationships are mediated by whether our early interpersonal experiences were adequate (Applegate & Bonovitz, 1995, Winnicott, 1963). �20 J. David Bassett The True and False Se/f Winnicott believed that the development of a true, vital sense of self is nurtured within the primary caretaker/child relationship, by the caretaker's capacities for empathy and acceptance ofthe infant's spontaneous emotional expressions. Failing this necessary precondition, the infants will adapt to the caretaker's needs and anxieties subjugating its own experiences, awareness, and wishes. At extreme levels, this adaptation is seen as psychopathological in that qualities of selfknowledge, true initiative, empathy, and vitality will be seriously compromised (Applegate and Bonovitz, 1995, Wmnicott, 1960b). Winnicott's theory of treatment Over time, as he developed his unique developmental and clinical perspectives, Winnicott carne to modify bis goals and methods of treatment away from more classically oriented psychoanalysis and Kleinian child analysis. An early proponent ofwhat has come to be . known as object relations theory, he proposed that clients who have experienced disrupted development need corrective experiences more than they need interpretations and these needed experiences may reflect back to failures in infancy. Therefore, he becarne focused on providing therapeutic developmental experiences, which would counter early environmental failures, in the consulting room. For example, he wrote of a client who spoke almost not at ali during the early months oftreatment. lnstead, she hid herselfunder a ''rug" (blanket) on his couch. A prior analyst had berated this client for such behavior, which resulted in "improved" behavior but no improvement in her state of being. Wi.nnicott waited and, when she extended her hand from under the blanket, extended his index finger as one would to an infant who is reaching out..The treatment eventually progressed to important verbal interactions, but it was bis view that waiting and providing contactas requested and accepted, as ifby an infant, was key to the successful beginning ofthe case (Winnicott, 1974). Another core principie ofeffective treatment of failures in early nurture, in Winnicott's view, was the therapist and/or the setting providing holding. He described social casework as psychotherapy in that it provides a facilitative environment while the client's innate developmental processes bring about maturation (Winnicott, 1961 ). Applegate and Bonovitz ( 1995) cite Gunderson ( 1978) in describing holding as having five basic dimensions. These include; a) containment Learning where the lessons are taught... 21 which is defined as from both interna( and externa( harrn through the use ofrules, procedures and boundaries, b) support which is defined as the various form ofphysical and emotional sustenance, c) structure which is defined as the predictability provided by schedules, chores, hierarchy, and earned privileges, d) involvement which is defined as the encouragement to cornmunicate and engage meaningfully with others, ande) validation which is defined as activities that atfinn the value and worth ofthe individual. World War II brought about important opportunities for Winnicott to test out bis ideas regarding development and how they interacted with residential treatrnent. This carne aqout through his appointment as consulting psychiatrist to one county's effort to house children evacuated from the cities and enerny air raids. While most children were able to adapt fairly well to foster care situations, sorne children posed serious management difficulties, frequently in the forro of delinquent behavior. Such behavior, when inadequately contained . tends to erode cornrnunity support for the treatment of such children (Winnicott and Britton, 1947). Winnicott and his wife to be, Ciare Britton, noted that care workers who possess "originality and a live sense of responsibility are needed ... " (Winnicott & Britton, 1947: 55) to provide for children who lack an environment that takes into consideration their unique needs. They add that psychological rigidity is a disqualifying characteristic in care personnel. They found that facilities needed to be srnall enough to be adaptable to the needs of the children in care. It was lea~ed that children who had experienced significant environmental deprivation required indefinite stays in which "primary home experiences" could be provided. By this it is meant that the care settings attempted to provide a second chance for the developmental experiences of early childhood to take place by means of stability, structure, nunurance, and the personal relationship with the care staff couple. Experience showed that it was best to have one person in ultimate charge ofthe care situation, in this case Ciare Britton. It was important to develop a full history of each child and let each child know his or her full storywas known to at least one person and every staffmember, gardener, cook, or maid was a potential therapeutic asset (Winnicott & Britton, !947). "The central idea of the scheme was to provide stability which the children could get to know, which they could test out, which they could gradually come to believe in, and around which �22 J. David Bassett they could play. This stability was essentially something that existed apart from the ability ofthe children, individually or collectively, to create or maintain it." (Winnicott & Britton, 1947: 66-67). Discussion I was extremely impressed by my visit to IPODERAC, particularly as the w1derlying philosophy of treatment appears so consistent with the ideas of Winnicott and object relations theories oftreatment, with which I am quite impressed. In contrast to the approaches so commonly used in this country, which are driven by political expediency, capitalism, disavowal of social responsibility, and blaming young victims, the underlying values and premises of [PODERAC reflect service, social responsibility, compassion, patience and, perhaps most importantly, empathy for the life challenges faced by the most deprived and vulnerable among us. This attitude and commitrnent may have been facilitated by the organization's orientation toward religious relief work rather than Social Work, which is more vulnerable to political factors. The probably co-incidental tics to Winnicott's ideas and wisdom, which seem intuitively correct to many social workers and social work students, and which shaped his responses to highly troubled evacuated children, seem obvious. Understanding and appreciation of the vulnerability and unmet dependency ofthe boys in the care ofIPODERAC is implicit in the program design. Toe use of Educators, who live with the boys on the average three and one half years and are the source of almost ali of their care, creates a secure dependency situation from which the boys can mature into relative dependence and on toward independence. Toe pattems, structure, support and interaction of the environment provide holding, the precondition of safety and growth for those unable to hold themselves. As the relationships with Educators, Sr. Landa, and Dr. Balli, the symbolic parents, develop, they become real objects to the boys, objects for use. Toe envirorunent, with its balance of expectations, protections, and continuity becomes a transitional experience between a failed childhood and productive adulthood. Thus primary experiences of consistent, adequate parenting are provided. These experiences are amplified by the continuing support and empathic confrontation provided by the Educators in the house and community meetings, which tend to foster true-self awareness and volition. This kind of care provides severely deprived children Learning where the /essons are taught... 23 with what Dockar-Drysdale (1990), in collaboration with Winnicott called primary experience, that is; original experiences that cr~at; secure attachment, confident expectation, self-knowledge, and empathic capacities. One of the key phHosophical issues that we as a profession face in many areas of practice, but perhaps most acutely in treatingjuvenile offenders, is the issue of who is the client. While it may not have been so m~ch the case in the past, more recent conservative social attitudes in the USA have tended to, in effect, make everyone, except the atrisk child, the client. IPODERAC clearly sees itself as, ultirnately, serving society but, fundamentally, its main mission is to serve abused and abandqned children. Toe organization's fiscal independence frees it from de-facto micro-management by third party payors and legislators. The organization sees itselfpreparing youth for Jife as it is in Mexico. Unlike many organizations, which I visited, no requests were made of us for money, computers, books, etc . .. Instead, -Sr. Landa pointed out having sorne sense of concem about providing showers in each house. He noted that this is atypical ofwhat the·boys will encounter in adulthood. He essentially apologized for tile on the floor of one of the residences (bare concrete is the nonn) for the same reason, explaining that tbe tile was left over from construction ofthe infirmary. He emphasized that it is irnportant not to set up unrealistic expectations that wilJ cause the boys to feel dissatisfied with normal life (Landa, 1999). I took tlús as another example ofhow the institutional culture revolves around the needs ofthe children in care, rather than the needs ofthe organization or its Jeadership. Sr. Landa does not know ofsimilar programs within Mexico. He notes that other organizations have inquired about IPODERAC but many of these facilities operate as closed settings and do not prepare their residents for work (Landa, 2000). Nevertheless, l believe that IPODERAC offers usa model for intervention with youth who have anti-social patterns of adaptation secondary to abuse and neglect. However, people whose skills, capacities, and motivations vary administer the best ofmodels. IPODERAC has been developed and managed by extraordinary people whose faith, senses of purpose: and values have helped them to persevere in the face of daunting circurnstances. And, it seems that the major players have found their mission to be personally rewarding in ways that have amply compensated their what others might view as considerable personal sacrifice. �24 J. David Basselt Such individuals are not necessarily created by the best of training programs or located through the most exhaustive personnel searches. Either they are bom or find their path through unique life and spiritual experiences. In addition, there are regulatory issues, in the USA, which might complicate delivery ofsorne aspects ofthe model. For example, round-the clock primary care providers are probably integral to the formation of secure attachment in these boys who, most likely, tend to be anxiously attached or detached. Labor regulations might require the use of shift workers, which would seriously compromise on of the fundamental tenets of the model. Similarly, the boys who live at IPODERAC are expected to contribute one hour of work each day. Child welfare and treatment center regulations could interfere. Finally, the stability of the direct care staff appears to be central to the therapeutic effect. For such a program to be actually effective, the work situation must be conducive to extended employment within current role. This is a problem in the USA where direct care staff are frequently poorly paid, relative to what they can eam elsewhere, minimally supported and supervised, and alienated from the ostensible goals of the organizations for which they work. Finally, in the current political climate and in our cultural demands for rapid resolution ofproblems, stable funding for such extended care would be problematic, despite the high costs ofthe current system 's failures. Nevertheless, I believe that most important aspects ofthe IPODERAC modelare based on institutional wisdom regarding child dcvelopment and fundamental underlying attitudes of service to children. These include .not blaming the victim, and not expecting that thc effects of years ofprirnary abuse and neglect can be remedied on a rapid tirnetable for the convenience of society or to satisfy our societal short-term orientation. These observations echo what I sometimes tell my MSW students: "You cannot make flowers grow faster by pulling them out of the ground, they grow at their pace, based on the growing condi: tions." These aspects ofIPODERAC are replicable ifwe can develop a true societal commitment to actually remedying the primary harm abused and abandoned children have suffered. lt is my hope that this paper can make a small contribution to the discussion and development ofthat social commitment. Learning where the /essons are taught... 25 References Applegate, J. S. & Bonovitz, J. M. (1995). Thefaci/itating Partnership: A WinnicottianApproachfor Social Workers and Other Helping Professionals. Northvale, New Jersey, London: Jason Aronson, lnc. Austin, J. E., Bennudez, W., & Escobar, G. ( 1998). IPODERA C. Unpublished manuscript Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Graduate School ofBusiness Administration Boro, M., Chevalier, V., & Humblet, l. (1997). Resilience, desistance and delinquent career of adolescent offenders. Journal ofAdolescence, 20(6). 679-694. Brezina, T. ( 1998). Adolescent maltreatment and delinquency: The question ofintervening processes. Jouma/ ofResearch in Crime & delinquency. 35 (1). 71-99. Brown, .T. L., Henggeler, S. W., Brondino, M. J., & Pickrel, S. G. (1999). Trauma exposure, protective factors and mental health functioning of substance abusing and dependent juvenile offenders. Journal of Emotional & Behavioral Disorders, 7(2). 94-102. Dockar-Drysdale, B. ( I 990). The Provision of Primary Experience: Winnicottian Work With Children and Ado/escents. London: Free Association Books. Gunderson, J. G. (1978). Defining the therapeutic process in psychiatric milieus. Psychiatry. 41: 327-335. Haapasalo, J. & Pokela, E. ( 1999). Child-rearing and child abuse antecedents of criminality. Aggression & Violen/ Behavior. 4 ( I ). 107-127. Kapp, S. A. (1998). Examining life in the juvenilejustice system: A qualitative approach employing life history interviews and reflexivity. DissertationAbstracts lnternational SectionA: Humanilies and Social Sciences, Mar 1998, 58 (9-A). 3722. Landa, A. ( 1999). Personal Communication. Landa, A. (2000). Personal communication. Smith, C. & Krohn, M. (1995). Delinquency and family life among male adolescents: Toe role of ethnicity. Journal ofYouth and Adolescence, 24(1). 69-93. Sokol-Katz, J., Dunham, R., & Zimmerman, R. (1997). Family structure versus parental anachment in controlling adolescent deviant behavior: A social control model. Ado/escence, 32(125). 199-215. �26 J. David Bassett IJtting, D. (1996) Tough on the causes ofcrime? Social bonding and delinquency prevention. In: S. Kramer and J. Roberts (Eds.) The Politics ofAttach,nent: Towards a Secure Society. London: Free Association. Reviewed abstract only. Winnicott, D. W. (1941 ). The observation of infants in a set situation. In: Through Paediatrics to Psycho-Analysis, pp. 52-69. New York: Basic Books, 1975. Winnicott, D. W. (1953). Transitional objects and transitional phenomena: a study ofthe first not-me possession. International Journal ofPsycho Analysis, 34, 89-97. Winnicott, D. W. ( I 956). The antisocial tendency. In: Through Paediatrics to Psycho-Analysis, pp. 306-315. Ncw York: Basic Books, 1975. Ir. , . Winnicott, D. W. (1958). The capacity to be alcine. In: The Maturational Processes and the Facilitating Environment. Madison, CT: lntemational universities press, 1965. Winnicott, D. W. (1960). The theory of the parent-infant relationship. In: The Maturational Processes and the Facilitating Environment, pp. 37-55. Madison, CT: lntemational Universities Press, 1965. Winnicott, D. W. (1960b). Ego distortions in terms oftrue and false self. In: The Maturational Processes and the Facilitating Environment, pp. 140-152. Madison, CT: Intemational Universities Press, 1965. Winnicott, D. W. (1961). Varieties ofpsychotherapy. In: Deprivation and Delinquency, pp.236-237. London and New York: Tavistock, 1984. Winnicott, D. W. (1963). From dependence toward independence in the development ofthe individual. In: The Maturational Processes and the Facilitating Environment, pp.83-92. Madison, CT: Intemational Universities Press, 1965. Winnicott, D.W. (1964). The importance ofthe setting in meeting regression in psycho-analysis. In Winnicott, C., Shepherd. R., & Davis, M. (Eds.), Psycho-Analytic Explorations, pp.96-102. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989. Winnicott, D. W. (1971). The use of thc object and relating through identifications. In: Playingand Reality, pp. 86-94. London: Tavistock. Winnicott, D. W. ( 1988). Human Nature. New York: Schocken Books. Winnicott, D. W. & Britton, C. ( 1947). Residen tia! management as treatment for difficult children. In: Deprivation and Delinquency, pp. 54-72. London and New York: Tavistock, 1984. Learning where the lessons are taught... 27 Zide, M. R. ( 1990). Social bonds: Running to, running from, thrown out, and forsaken youth. Disserlation Abstracts lnternational, Nov. 1991, 52(5A). 1899. �An intervention with street children in southern Veracruz David P. Boyle', J ulio Jim enez Herrera', Meredith Golde' Abstract This study of a program for street children was carried out by a group of social workers in a medium-sized city in southem \'eracruz, Mexico. The current literature on street children is summarized and the intervention of this study is described. The effort began with an agreement between UNJCEFMexico and the School of Social Work of the University of Veracruz. and eventually involved many sectors ofthe community in an effort to impron:: the lives ofa group ofworking street children. The intervention was found to be effective. Recommendations for future programs in similar settings are given. Resumen Este estudio sobre un programa para niños de la calle fue conducido por un grupo de trabajadores sociales en una ciudad de tamaño medio en el sur de Veracruz, en México. En este trabajo se presenta una revisión de la literatura actual sobre los niños de la calle y se describe la intervención del estudio. El esfuerzo comenzó con un convenio entre la UNICEF en México y la Escuela de Trabajo Social de la Universidad de Veracruz, que eventualmente involucró a varios sectores de la comunidad en un esfuerzo para mejorar las vidas de un grupo de niños que trabajan en las calles. Encontramos que la intervención fue efectiva y se proporcionan recomendaciones para programas similares en el futuro. 1 University of Georgia 2 University of Veracruz 3 University of Georgia �D.P. Boy/e, J. Jimenez & M Golde 30 Over the past two decades, the phenomenon of street children has received much attention. According to Le Roux ( 1996), "street children, the offspring oftoday's complex urban realities worldwide, represent one ofour global family's most serious ... socioeducational challenges. No country and virtually no city can escape the presence ofthese socalled street children" (p.965). Recent world-wide estimates of the nUD)ber of street children vary from l 0-200 million. According to the World Health Organiz.ation (Wl-JO, 1993), the majority are located in major urban areas ofdeveloping countries. Regional estimates included about 40 million in Latín America, 25-30 million in Asia, and over l O million in Africa. A number ofchallenges have confronted researchers related to identifying street children, understanding their problems, and determining prevalence rates (De Carrizosa & Poertner, 1992). Many authors have indicated that multiple, and often differing, definitions of the term "street children" have produced divergent estimates (Peralta, 1992). Additionally, the numbers ofstreet dwelling youth are not adequately captured by traditional census, educational, and health data sources (WHO,1993) Some of the most prominent concerns cited in the literature have included: a) the socio-economic instability ofyouth and their families in a global economy; b) the mental and physical health of youth in street setting5; c) the structural, political, socio-economic, and cultural barriers encountered by youth and their families that impede access to important supportive and preparatory rescurces; and d) civil liberties, social justice, and human rights considerations, especially with regard to increasing violence against youth in street settings (WHO, 1993). 1 Although the term "street children" carne into widespread usage following the United Nations Year of the Child in 1979 (Williarns, 1993), no single, commonly-accepted, definition has emerged (Aptekar, 1994). The most popular definition is the one used by UNICEF: a street child is any boy or girl who has not reached adulthood for whom the street ... has become her or his habitual abode ancl/ or sources of livelihood and who is inadequately protected, supervised or directed by responsible adults (lnter-NGO, 1983, p.2). In Latín America, as elsewhere, the terms for street youth may be neutral, descriptive, oreven affectionate, but some ofthem also cany An intervention with street chi/dren in ... 31 essentially negative, dehumanizing connotations. In Mexico, children living or working in the streets are broadly considered as fliños ca/tejeros (Gigenack, 1994). In 1989, the global commllllÍty acknowledged its responsibility for protecting the world's youth with the adoption by the United Nations oftb.e Convention on the Rights ofthe Child (Salaz.ar & Knaul, 1991). The Convention has been ratified by Mexico and othér Latín American countries. Despite the adoption of the Convention and the creation ofla:ws and policies that prohibit many forms ofchild exploitation, the rights of minors living or working in street settings continue to be comprornised. A number ofresearchers have attempted to categorize street children according'to the sorne ofthe following dimensions: degree offarnily and/or peer involvement, living situation, amount of deviant behavior (i.e. Cosgrove, 1990), school attendance, assumption of adult status (Williams, 1993), needs ofthe child, and levels of acculturation to or dependency upon street life (Aptekar, 1994). Peralta (1992) stated that UNICEF's classification of street children in relation to their development on the street suggests that the experience of working children who live at home is considerably different from that of abandoned children who must look to a peer group, a gang, or unrelated adults for fulfillment of primary needs. The street children who participated in the intervention program in Veracmz, Mexico, that will be described in the following sections of this paper, can best be described as children "in," rather than "of' the street. They were children who were engaged in work in the streets by day, but spent at least sorne nights sleeping at home. Street Children in Latín America and Mexico: Prevalenée and Causes Street children have hada noticeable presence in Latin America since the 1950's, and their numbers have continued to soar with the region's acceleratíng rates ofindustrialization and urbanization (Lusk, 1988). De Carrizosa & Poertner ( 1992; citing Ennew, 1986) stated that Latin American estirnates have ranged from a conservative 8 million ali the · way up to 50 rnillion. These figures fail to take into account the differences between working children living at home and street children who work in the streets, but do not live with adults (Aptekar, 1994). �32 D.P Boyle, J. Jimenez & M. Golde However, according to UNICEF (as reported in De Alba, 1996), in Mexico City in 1995 there were 13,373 youth working (68.5% male), and ofthese, only 13.48% lived in the street and had severed contact with their families, while the majority (11,523) only worked in the streets and did not live there. De Alba (1996) reported that UNICEF recorded 5 I 5 contacts with street children in Mexico City in 1992, and 1,214 in 1995. Ofthe l ;214 children in UNICEF's 1995 survey, 85 children slept in the streets, 100 slept and worked in the streets, and the remainder worked in the streets but did not sleep there. Many of the children were approached on streets and on street comers (386), near shops or in outdoor markets, and at Metro stations ( 148); sorne were approached in other sites including, parks and public gardens, comrnercial districts, tourist zones, bus terminals, and graveyards. Girls represented only 3.5% ofthe total in the census, and only 6.35% ofthe girls actually lived in the streets. Malnourishment and illness were reported by a majority ofthe children; substance abuse was not uncommon, and about half of the children said that they were sexually active, with an age offirst sexual activity between 7-14 years ofage. Although level ofschooling was not reported in the survey, 88. l % ofthe sample could read and write. Economic necessity and family problems were cited as frequent reasons for failure to attend school. Sixty five percent ofthese street children had migrated to Mexico City from other parts ofMexico; only 35% had been bom within the Federal District ofMexico City. 1 1 According to De Alba (1996), when UNICEF census figures from 1992 were compared with those from 1995, the number of children living or working in the streets bad increased by 135% in only three years. He noted, however, that most experts believe that the actual number of street children in Mexico City is much higher than the UNICEF figure of 1,850. Furthermore, the numberofyounger children living or working in the streets increased dramatically in this three~ year period. Sorne of the increase in the numbers of young street children has been attributed to the phenomenon of rural-to-urban migration into Mexico City from outlying regions ofMexico (De Alba, 1_996). According to the World Health Organization (WHO, 1993), boys predominate (71-97%) among street children although girls often experience more difficulties as a result ofliving or working in street An interven/ion with street children ir, ... 33 settings. By contrast, in the U.S., runaway and bomeless youth are about evenly divided between the genders (Rizzini & Lusk, 1995). Aptekar (1994) has attributed the disparity between the number of male and female street youth in the developing world to the fact that girls are needed in tbe household and thus may never get to tbe streets. Peralta ( 1992), having reviewed much ofthe literature on street children in Latin American cities, reported that a large majority ofstreet children maintain sorne continuing relationship with their family, and that less than 10% are actually abandoned children who are completely cut of from their family (see also Tacon, 1982). Furthermore, Peralta and others (e.g. De Pine~a, De Muñoz, De Pineda, Echeverry, & Arias, 1978) have maintained that street children are not in search ofadventure or freedom from responsibility, but tbat family poverty, neglect, and violence "pusb" these youth out into the environment as the availability of employment and income "pulls" tbem into the street. Life in the Streets: Challenges and Strengths ofStreet Children Despite child labor laws which prohibit the employrnent of young children, many children earn their income as street vendors, tour guides, performers, security guards, couriers, and shoe shiners. Mendicancy is also common, especially.among the younger children. However, sorne oftbese ''working" youth, particularly within the smaller minority who live in the streets full time, may resort to theft, conveying drugs, and sex work (R.i-zzini & R.izzini, 1991; Lusk, 1992). Many ofthe children work more tban 40 hours per week. Because child labor is technically illegal under national child labor laws, the work ofchildren is unprotected and unregulated. They are often subject to punishment, incarceration, and confiscation oftheir property (Rizzini & Lusk, 1995). Even those involved in legal work, such as sales, are subject to harassment under child labor laws. Many ofthe children who actually live in the streets sleep in dangerous areas such parks, bus depots, sidewalks, wharves, and abandoned buildings. According to WHO (l 993), factors associated with the physical conditions of homelessness and street life include poor hygiene and diet, lack of sanitation, Iack of shelter, violence, transiency of situation and its effects on planning, lack of positive attachments (with resultant emotional and social deprivation), and sensory deprivation. �34 D.P. Boyle, J. Jimenez & M Golde ])espite the challenges faced by street children, they have also exhibited notable strengths. A number of authors have describecl tl\eir tremendous ''resiliency" (Aptekar, 1994, 1988a, 1988b; ~elsman, 198 l ). Among the other strengths identified in the research literature are a high degree of intelligence, a concem for each other, lack of drug abuse, good self-esteem, as well as a high degree of autonomy and agency. Tyler, Tyler, Echeverry, and Zea (1991) have suggested that the process of becoming a street child may even represent an act of empowennent. Examples oflntervention Strategies "' I¡ '•..¡j¡¡ 1 In recent years, established NGO's (non-governmental organiz.ations), as well as newer organizations, have developed programs to address the challenges facingyouth in street settings. For example, Casa Alianza Mexico (l 998), an independent,_nonprofit Catholic agency, has long provided residential and other types o~ services for str~et youth throughout Latín America. Casa Alianz.a has unpleme~t~d_a w1de ai:1"ªY ofprograms in Mexico City which include outreach, cns1s mt~rventmn, education, counseling, family reintegration, healthcare serv1ces, HIV/ AIDS services, anda legal project to advocate for the rights of street chiidren. Lusk ( 1989) and Rizzini & Lusk ( 1995) de_scr!bed foW: predomin'.111t approaches or models with regard to des1gnmg and _implementi_n~ interventions and programs for street children: correcttonal, rehab1lttative, outreach, and preventive. Toe correctional strategy was based on a perception of street youth as a public nuisanc~ and a risk ~o security, leading to a juvenile justice approach which resulted m incarceration or confinement in residential facilities. The second approach stressed rehabilitation. lnfluenced by clergy and social workers, this perspective maintained that street children were damaged by the circumstances of their lives, and humane programs that stress drug detoxification, education, and the provis!on of a safe family-like envirorunent would prepare them for a meamngful future (Rizzini & Lusk, 1995). An example is that of Padre Javier de Nicolo, who developed a four-level program in Colombia that attempted to reintroduce children to education and to regular work programs. .Outreach was conducted to engage the child in the street, with the goal of transition from the street to a half-way house. If the child ~xhibited appropriate behavior changes, he or she proceeded to the An intervention with street children in ... 35 next level ofthe program which is a residential school; the final level ofthe program involved residence within a self-governing comrnunity. De Nicola's model was largely based to on the works of Ivan Illich and Paulo Freire with the final airo offacilitating integration ofthese youth into abroader society (Goode, 1987, as cited in De Carrizosa & Poertner, 1992). The third approach called street education (outreach), was also based on Paolo Freire's model ofeducation that emphasizes meeting students on their own turf and providing them with a combination of practica! and political skills (Rizzini & Lusk, 1995, p. 397; citing Freire, 1973). This model views society as defective or deficient, rather than the child. With the involvement and participation of the children themselves, it seeks to educate them about their situation and engage them in collective action to find solutions to collective problems (De Carrizosa & Poertner, 1992). Often funded by non-goverrunental and church groups, these programs make use of street educators (' educadores de rua') who provide education on sidewalks and in parks. The fourth approach, prevention, perceived social forces as creating or perpetuating the problems experienced by children and their families. Prevention strategies provide education and advocacy and seek to find solutions to the causes ofthe problem (De Carrizosa & Poertner, 1992). An emphasis is placed on the development or utilization of community-based services as opposed to institutionalization. Such programs attempt to strengthen children 's stability within their family household, in order to prevent children from ending up on the streets in first place. This approach was endorsed and supported by UN_ICEF through its 1986 regional initiative on street children (Lusk, 1989). Specific Intervention Programs for Street Children in Latín America Casa de Todos (A Home for Everyone) in Mexico City was a community-based program designed to intervene with youth between the ages of8 and 23 residing in a building that had been partially destroyed in the 1985 earthquake. Ali oftheyouth were involved in sorne fonn of ecooomic activity or domestic work within the house itself. Sorne of the problems of the youths were poor housing and sanitary conditions; a poor physical condition weakened by undemutrition, gross medica! omissions and often the lengthy inhaling of solvents; stigmatization and victimization by local residents; and the assaults of policemen who systematically visit the building to rob, rape or torture children (Gigenack, 1994). �36 D.P. Boy/e, J. Jimenez & M Golde Toe youth received services from street educators. Pbilanthropic community groups donated concrete resources, and helped to organize athletic activities for the youth. The _activists engaged in a collaborative approacb with the youtb, including collective-decision making and group organizing. Attempts were also made to facilitate constructive relationsbips between the youtb and tbe community. Despite the successes of the community-based approach, services for tbe youtb were insufficient and temporary due to a lack of funding, and tbe program gradually dissolved (Gigenack, 1994). A second example, Junto con los niños (JUCONI), reported by Jones (1997), is an NGO founded in 1989 in Puebla, Mexico. JUCONI provides personaliud and intensive services to approximately 450 street youtb, witb program components including education, job training and assistance, and family reintegration. JUCONI has estimated the number of cbildren that actually live in the street in Puebla, a city of over one million inhabitants to be over 100 cbildren. When JUCONI first began providing services to street youtb, the organization did not distinguish between chil4ren living in tbe street (street-living children) and cbildren who only worked on the street (street-working children). However, after one year ofoperation, tbe organization recognized the importance ofthis distinction and tailored their services accordingly. Services for street-working cbildren include friendsbip encounter groups and day centers. Services for street-living cbildren include friendship groups, residential facilities, and after-care services (Jones, 1997). ll 1 TheStudy Precursors ofthe Project The city of Minatitlán, near the soutbem tip of tbe state of Veracruz Mexico, is located on tbe left bank ofthe Coatz.acoalcos River about 32 kilometers (19 miles) from the Gulf ofMexico. The sister city of Coatz.acoalcos is located by tbe moutb of the river and is of simifar sil.e. Minatitláo is located in the district (municipio) ofthe same name wbich includes many small towns wbich have developed since tbe city was founded as a British oil camp in the early 20th century. The city experienced gradual growth until the l 970s when economic growth accelerated during tbe Mexican oil boom. By 1988, the city had over 200,000 inhabitants. Growth has continued even witb the decline of employment in tbe oil industry beginning in the late 80s so An interven/ion with street children in ... 37 that the current population is estimated to be over 400,000, including sev~ral thousand families living in mostly nonlegal colonias, marginal communities where recent immigrants from depressed rural areas throughout southem Mexico have set up makeshift homes. Toe primary economic activities are related to several large oil refineries of Pemex {the Mexican National Oil Company) employing severa! thousand persons each. Sorne additional economic activity centers around the large wharfwhere fish and agricultural products arrive by river·to supply food for the city. As in other Mexican cities, the infonnal economy is quite large providing employment for severa! thousand workers in street vending, small shops, fishing, and cottage industries, such as seamstress or laundry services. There are many small farms producing Ínaize, rice, plátanos, bananas, coconuts, vegetables, citrus, other tropical fruits, poultry, beef, and pork. The expression, "Lost Cities,"was coined to refer to the large nurnbers of persons who never found employment along with those who had lost it in the marginal communities springing up on both public and prívate lands on the outskirts ofthe city. In general, the families living in these marginal communities have been headed by young couples who are still at the age of child-bearing and have large numbers of children. The degraded quality of the land and air in the marginal communities has presented major health risks. Toe large numbers ofunskilled laborers who have little possibility of obtaining employment in industry make up a substantial number of unemployed or underemployed persons- street vendors, domestic workers, and folk artisans. Ali these conditions and their underlying causes belped create the necessity for a large nurnber of children to work in the city in an effort to augment their farnily incomes. Beginning about 1980, UNICEF-:MEXICO initiated work in cooperation with the University ofVeracruz (UV) in Minatitlán. By 1982, services were in operation which primarily focused on community health projects, often as part of community practicum assignments. Cooperative health programs were developed in the schools of medicine, dentistry, and nursing with faculty and students working together to carry them out in targeted poor neighborhoods throughout the municipio. �38 D.P. Boyle, J. Jimenez & M. Golde Theoretical Perspectives Participative social work based the work ofPaulo Freire (Freire, 1973) formed the basis for utilizing street e<lucation to empower the cbildren to receive practica! skills to lift them out oftheir risky life situations. Toe approach emphasized engaging the children in working with the street workers and remaining active participants in developing tbeir own goals and services. It was promoted by UNICEF during the 80s as part of a regional initiative and emphasized working with children on theirown turf(Rizzini & Lusk, 1995). ' 1. ' 1 1 This approach derives from a considerable body of human social development theory which empbasizes human development at the heart of tbe development process with grass roots participation as the key strategy(Heller, 1986; Korten, 1984; David, 1991). Both social development and participatory action research (PAR), often referred to as participative social work, emerged primarily in the developing world and have become widely utilized paradigms for social work practice throughout Latin America (Brown & Tandon, 1983; Freire, 1973; Freire, 1990; Salas-Elorza, Boyle, & Ouellette, 1998). PAR shares a common tbeory base with current empowennent theory as discussed social work literature in the United States (Kondrat & Juliá, 1997). The methodology for the project was also drawn from the work of Freire (1973) utilizing an outreach approach with street educators working with children in their own environments. The methodology also utilized the prevention approach to mobilize the community and to use tbe natural community setting as the location of interventions, rather that attempting to institutionalize the children (De Carrizosa & Poertner, 1992). Project Formula/ion and leadership Deve/opment ln early 1984, the UV School of Social Work (SSW) in Minatitlán prepared a proposal for UNICEF for developing a project for assessing and intervening with street children in the city. By late 1984, the Mexico UNICEF tearn met with UV officials and approved the project for funding. Program support with implementation responsibility was assigned to the School of Social Work (SSW). UV was to provide administrative support, facilities for meetings and activities, and student volunteers while UNICEF would provide program consultation, staff development training, funding for paid staff, and on-going technical advice. Quarterly meetings among UV SSW administrators, An interven/ion with street chi/dren in ... 39 the UNICEF program team, and tbe project coordinator were planned to support the implementation of the project and strengthen institutional arrangements. In preparation for tbe project, two workshops were offered by UNICEF on micro diagnostics with the goal of strengthening work at the community leve!. Eight social workers participated of which four remained witb the program. Late in 1985, a workshop on the methodology of participative social work was offered for four students in social work who made up the volunteer permanent members of tbe team for "Education in the Street." In September of 1985, the coordinator of tbe project participated in a UNICEF Latín-American Seminar on policy and possibilities for children and youth at higb risk in the nation of Colombia. A team was fonned consisting of four professionally trained social workers, including the project coordinator, and four social work students who had been given specialized workshops for work with street children. By late 1985, work with children at higb risk of disease, malnutritión, school dropout, delinquency, and homelessness at the community leve! was scheduled to begin. Needs Assessment Althougb general information indicating that there were a number of cbildren in the streets ofMinatitlán had been gathered for the project proposal, specific children in need of services had not been identified. In early 1986, the team identified areas where children were known to work since it had been detennined that most ofthe children were chiJd workers, rather than chiJdren living fully in the streets. Workers from the project identified the places where the children hung out regularly through successive observations. Over a period of a month, five principal locations were identified where the children worked: the city bus terminal, public squares, gasoline stations, bars, and the wharf. Even though members ofthe team were trained, they lacked experience in work with street children. By tria! and error and through on-going . advice from the UNICEF team, they leamed to visit places where the children spent a lot of time at different hours of the day and night. Team members were at first unable to establish direct contact with the children. Toen they discovered that sorne children were pennitted to sleep in the main bus station. Toe social work team found that sorne ofthe children formed teams oftwo ora small group ofthree or four �D.P Boyle, J. Jimenez & M Golde 40 rriembers to carry out their activities. Toe team discovered that during the day time children were not permitted to offer sboe shine services in the main plaza due to the existence of a union of adult sboe shine workers. Througb furtber ohservation ofthese and other places, they were able to determine how many children were regularly working at each site. Informal contact was established with sorne adults who maintained regular relationships witb the children. Workers also discovered how the children were meeting sorne of their basic needs, such as eating and sleeping. After meeting with the overall team and UV administrators to organize and evaluate the information which the workers were gathering, it was decided to add an additional goal for the project: to improve relati'onships between the cbildren and the community in which they spent most oftbeir time. Implementation Phase Systematic contact witb the children was estabIished during Fébruary of 1986 by utilizing their services, by setting up meetings wjth the children, and by creating opportunities for dialogue between the children and the members ofthe surrounding community. For example, team members would get their shoes shined by the children in order to initiate a relationship. Througb conversations with business people in the area who were willing to share information about the children, it was discovered that sorne of tbe children bad totally abandoned school and were at high risk of ab311dooing their families dueto the little time they spent at home. Toe team did not utilize structured instruments, only systematic observation in the effort to relate with tbe children to establish a participative project witb them. Again, after analyzing the information and consulting with UV and-UNICEF, tbe team decided that, since a great nwpber ofthe children originated in the village ofZaragoza, Veracruz, an assessment of that community would be usefu1. Toe district poi ice chiefwas interviewed to see what the police knew about tbe children. He was able to provide relatively little inforrnation. In order to establish on-going contact with the children and to build relationships between the children and the street workers, it was decided to utilize ball games as the methods for building more rapport. The main plaza was a central place, little frequented by the public after 10:00 P.M., so tbat a meeting and ball game could be arranged. An interven/ion with street children in ... 41 The game was very important in attracting the children. The intervention team members were able to adapt to tbe time and rhythm ofwork ofthe cbildren. The local police were supportive and maintained their watch around the area. Although sorne of the children were not present on the dates of the meetings and soccer games because they had gone to the neighboring city of Coatzacoalcos to work, the first group to participate in the ball games allowed the team to network with other groups. The children themselves initiated the process for developing more opportunities for games. Sorne problems for the workers included tbe frequent bad weather in the region with strong winds and rain and tbe fact that the children spoke in their own dialect which made it difficult for team members to understand their conversations. Toe team could only work around the weather by rescheduling meetings and games, but they did leam the childrcn 's dialect to facilitate communication. Through these same difficulties, the team members gained a better understanding of the life conditions of these child workers. During March, the team continued outreach activities, primarily through ball games and visits with tbe town leaders in the village of Zaragoza. lt was determined that work with tbese street children would require on-going efforts to find altematives which could improve the conditions of their work and lives. Regular efforts were made to maintain positive contacts with Minatitlán municipal authorities. In April and May of 1986, dental exams and oral health services were arranged at the UV dental school as were medica) exarns and referrals to state health facilities for longer term problems. These services were provided free of charge by UV faculty and students utilizing campus facilities. Recreational activities were also offered by student volunteers using campus facilities. A pilot meals program was set up through a contract with a nearby restaurant which would feed about 30 children in the aftemoon once a week financed by UNICEF funds. During these activities, ali the children were given tooth brushes and instructed on how to brush. Use ofthe tablets for detection of dental bacteria was demonstrated. Protection of teeth through the topical application of fluoride was explained. Sorne teeth were extracted. Charts and pamphlets were used to explain how to care for teeth. Games and fellowship times were used to reinforce the choices of healthy activities by the children. �42 D.P Boy/e, J Jimenez & M. Golde Community Jnvolvement In July of 1986, the project team and UV sponsored an open forum on "The Abandoned Child in Latin A.merica" with the support of the Chamber ofCommerce which loaned its official meeting room. A local radio station provided community-wide publicity. Faculty, students, and project staff ali participated in giving talles, showing slides of children in need, and answering questions to make the event successful. Tbe Forum was attended by leaders of service clubs, municipal employees, teachers, and others interested in children. From the participation of community leaders carne much public support including a request to speak to the local Rotary Club. After an invited meeting with the president ofthe Rotary Club ofMinatitlán, the club's full membership chose to súpport the project by providing their club bouse free for the project's use. Both the Chamber ofCommerce and the Rotary Club pledged on-going support dueto their new awareness of the problems ofworking children in the street. In the fall of 1986, additional financial support for the prograrn was obtained from the Swedish Organization, Radda Barnen (Save the Children), to provide a meals program. With access to a comfortable facility, project staff set up regular meeting times for the children and enhanced the club structure with games, educational sessions, and snacks. The children began to consider the Casa de la Amistad (the Rotary Club building) as their club house. They would come there regularly to play table garues, meet with the staff, and to bathe. In 1987 with funds from Radda Barnen, the project was able to provide a meal once a week. The staff would prepare the food with the chitdren, and the children would assist with washing dishes and cleaning up. Eight volunteers helped the project staff with recreational activities and mea! planning at different times during the week. Targeted lnterventions ln consideration of the large percentage of children in the streets of Minatitlán who oóginated in the community of Zaragoza, Veracruz, located about ten kilometers from the city, outreach activities were initiated with the parents and school of this community. By early 1987, the program was serving 26 children from the school at Zaragoza and 15 more from that community who had dropped out of school and spent the entire day in Minatitlán. An intervention with street chi/dren in ... 43 Following the community forum, while public interest was high, interviews with municipal authorities were continued to share the goats ofthe project. Visits and interviews with teachers in the pómary schools ofthe community ofZaragoza were held to make them aware ofthe project, and home visits were arranged with the farnilies ofthe child workers. Project workers sought the support offamily members and attempted to educate them about the risks to children working in the streets and to raise the consciousness of the families as to the needs oftheir children who work: good treatment, health care, education, and nutótion. Finally, the project workers laid the ground work for developing sorne type of alternative employment either for the children or the parents so that the children would not have to go to the city as street workers. Sorne difficulties faced in this phase ofthe project inéluded the isolation ofthe village during rainy weather due to bad roads. The support ofthe primary school teachers was lackluster even though they would fill out the simple survey forro on the children's community and school participation. The problem ofworking with families when the father was not at home often required return visits since his involvement was crucial and the mother·would not make decisions without him. Sometimes locating next ofkin to secure fonnal permission for a chlld to participate in the program was difficult. Discussion Results included improved quality of Iife and a reduction of risks factors for poor health, school dropout, and abandonment of birth families for sorne 60 children over a period ofthree years. These children as a group demonstrated better school attendance and increased family integration. Most families reported irnproved relationships, including strengthened parent-child bonds and family awareness of risks of street life to their child. At the community lével there was increased awareness of the issues of street children and a willingness by civic groups to become involved. Overall, the process outcomes included capacity building among child-serving agencies, especially state health agencies, an irnproved capacity to understaQd and work with street children by both agencies and civic groups, and the · formation ofa productive community coUaborative by UV professionat schools-social work, dentistry, medicine, nursing. The irnpact on the university systems was also very positive including sorne spec ially trained, empowered graduates and a general awareness of the problems of street children among the faculty and students of UV. �44 D.P Boyle, J Jirnenez & M. Golde Although this pilot program was gradually phased out with the expiration ofexptemal funding in 1989-90, public awareness generated by this and other pilot projects initiated by UNICEF around the same time, a network ofhomes for children who are abused, neglected, or living in the streets has been developed in five cities of the state of Veracruz, including Minatitlán, and throughout Mexico funded by state and federal social service departments. Thus, sorne ofthe goals of the project have become integrated into the social service system of the state social welfare agency (DIF-Desarrollo Integral de al Familia). Additionally, sorne of the original staff of the project are considering launching a new initiative in 1999 utilizing the platforrn of a prívate social service agency which they have forrned (J. Jimenez Herrera, Personal Conversation, August 20, 1998). The children involved in this project met the UNICEF definition of street children, but ahnost ali ofthem maintained sorne family ties and would be classified as working children 'in the street' using Aptekar's (1994) terms. They were almosttotally boys and very few lived primarily in the street, confonning to the profile of street children in Mexico found by UNJCEF in 1995 (De Alba, 1996). Thus, one ofthe positive effects ofthis project was to intervene with working children so that they would not experience further lessening ofties and progress to living primarily in the streets and possibly to relocating to larger urban centers. An in1portant reason for developing and sustaining such prograrns in smaller cities would be to prevent the flow of children of the street from smaller cities to larger ones such as Puebla and Mexico City, similar to the JUCONI model (Jones, 1997). The children served in the Minatitlán project engaged in the same types of activities (street vendors, couriers, shoe shiners) as street children described in other studies (Rizzini & Rizzini, 1991; Lusk, 1992). They lived in similar circumstances, including sleeping in parks, in bus depots, and on wharves, and had similar health issues to the children described in various studies (WHO, 1993). They also usually maintained sorne contact with their families. Thus, the approaches used could likely work in many other small cities with similar populations of street children. The Minatitlán project went beyond sorne of the others reviewed in the literature (Lusk, 1989) in that the leaders involved the general community by having a general community meeting and publicity An interv.ention with street children i,1 ... 45 campaign by radio to create community awareness of the issue of street children. These efforts to involve the community resulted in the cooperation of municipal authorities including government officials, police, teachers, and social agency staff. In addition, the project was able to gain the use of a club house and volunteers from civic clubs. Replication of this particular aspect of the project would be especially appropriate for other -cities since most public services in Mexico and other Latín American countries are not likely to receive increased government financia! support in the immediate future due to the current economic crisis. Toe Minatitlán project shared sorne service elements and philosophical bases with the two projects presented as models in the literature review. Similar to Casa de Todos (Gigenack, 1994), the Minatitlán project relied on street educators and strongly involved the youth in decision-making. However, the population ofthe Casa de Todos was made up ofyouth who were essentially living in the streets or "ofthe streets" whereas, the Minatitlan population was composed ofworking children "in the streets." Toe other project reviewed, JUCONI (Jones, 1997), in its outreach to street-working children served a similar population to the Minatitlan project and utilized many ofthe same techniques including friendship groups, motivational activities, including many games, and stable relationships with workers. In addition, JUCONI operated from a philosophy of involvement and .self-determination for the children much like the Minatitlán project's participative social work. JUCONI also empbasized family reunification and had significan! support from prívate sources like the Minatitlán project. Although the Minatitlán project shared sorne common elements with other programs for street children in Mexico, there were sorne significan! differences. Unlike the other projects, Minatitlán was strongly based in the university community and relied beavily on support from the local prívate sector. Perhaps these traits were dueto its location in a smaller city, but they also offer possibilities for programs located in similar settings. Limitations and Future Directions Tbe study was conducted in a time and place when quantitative methods were not commonly used and, therefore, Iacks specificity in many areas. Future efforts should pay more attention to the integration �46 D.P. Boyle, J. Jimenez & M. Golde ofprogram evaluation elements into project implementation. Quanti~tive instruments for both pre and post-testing should be a part ofthe assessment process so that changes can be documented in a systematic way. This type of infonnation is generally lacking in the literature 'related to street children. Outcome measures might include behavioral checklists for pre-service data on each client, assessment of specific and general strengths, family relationships, nutritional and shelter habits, school and literacy issues, vocational skills, income producing activities, peer relationships, health issues, and high-risk behaviors, as well as qualitative measures developed in the participative process. Assessment at one year and follow up at two and three years would be ideal. Clear descriptions of stra~gies which worked in the particular project around difficult areas: case finding, family connections, community involvement, advocacy and brokering strategies for needed services, and funding resources would greatly contribute to the field. Publication and dissemination of resúlts beyond sharing in workshops of funding agencies is important so that learning can be shared arnong social work and other professionals. Publication in social workjournals is important in both English and Spanish language journals in order to promote improvements in methods and refinements of theoretical perspectives among those working in the field in Latín America, the United States, and Canada, as well as throughout the intemational social work comrnunity. An interven/ion with street children in ... 47 Casa Alianza Mexico ( 1998). Street children in Mexico [Internet document] http://www.casa~alianza.org/about/about.mex.htm Cosgrove, J.G. (1990). Towards a working definition of street children. lnternational Social Work, 33, 185-192. David, G. (1991). Participation in social development forthe l990s: Yes, but how? Social Deve/opment Issues, 13(3), 14-27. De Alba, G.A. ( 1996, 17 June). En el Distrito Federal la infancia no es prioridad: se multiplica la produccion de ninos que viven, crecen y mueren en las calles. Proceso. De Carrizosa, S.O., & Poertner, J. (1992). Latín American street children: Problem, programmes and critique. lnternationa/ Social Work, 35. 405-413. De Pineda, V., de Muñoz, E., De Pineda, P., Echeverry, Y., & Arias. J. ( 1978). El gamin su albergue social y su familia (Vol. 1) (The garnins' social home and family) Bogota: Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar. Ennew, J.(1986). Children ofthe streets. The New lnternationa/ist. 164. 1011. Felsman, J.K. (198 1). Streetchildren ofCali: On risk, resiliency and adaptation in childhood. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Harvard University. Cambridge. Freire, P. ( 1973). Pedagogy ofthe oppressed. New York· Seabury Press. Freire, P. ( 1990). A critical understanding of social work (M. Moch, Trans. ). Journal of Progreisive Human Services, 1( 1), 3-9. References Gigenack, R, (1994). Social practices ofjuvenilesurvival and rnortality: Child care arrangements in Mexico City. Community Deve/opment Journal. 29 (4), 380-393. Aptekar, L. ( 1988a). Street children ofCali. Durham, NC: Duke- University Press. Goode, J. (1987). Gaminismo: Recenttrends in social programsfor Colombian street children. lndianapolis, IN: Universities Field Stafflntemational. Aptekar, L. ( 1988b). Colombian street children: Their mental health and how they can be served. Jntt!rnational Journal ofMental Health, 11, 81104. Heller, P. ( 1992). Pro files in developrnent: Basic needs and developing nations. Social Deve/opment /ssues. 10(2), 3-17. Aptekar, L. ( 1994). Street children in the developing world: A review oftheir condition. Cross-Cultural Research: The Journal of Comparative Social Science, 28 (3), 195-224. Brown, L., & Tandon, R. (1983) Ideology and political economy in inquiry: Action research and particpatory research. Journal of applied Behavioral Sciences, 19(3), 277-294. Inter-NGO (Program on Street Children and Street Youth). ( 1983). Document 83/23-SC/35, 18th March. Geneva: Intemational Catholic Child Bureau. Kondrat, M.E., & Juliá, M. ( 1997). Participatory action research: Self-reliant research strategies for human social development. Social Development /ssues, 19(1), 32-49. �An intervention with street children in ... 49 World Health Organization (WHO) (1993). A one-way street: Report on phase 1 of the Street Children Project, Part 3 of 9. World Health Organization. Programme on Substance Abuse, July 1993 (WHO/ PSN93.7). [Internet docurnent] Geneva, Switzerland. Available at http://pangaea.org/street_children/world/who3 .htrn �Effects ofimmigration and welfare reform in Laredo, Texas* Cecilia Garza', Micbael Landeck2, Nestor P. Rodríguez', Jacquelíne Hagáo' Abstract This research documents the effects of immigration and welfare refonn in Laredo, Texas, located on the border with Mexico. Toe study encompassed 101 interviews with arca residents. Toe results on the institutional implementation ofthe legislation show that a significant nurnber of individuals are losing sorne social services and others are avoiding applying for services. Another finding is that individuals who would like to apply for U.S. citizenship are finding it quite difficult and expensive. Toe stigma against these two populations, immigrants and welfare recipients, is discussed as well as the govemment's continuing build-up ofborder enforcement to patrol and control the flow of imm.igrants. Resumen Esta investigación documenta los efectos de la reforma de inmigración y de bienestar en Laredo, Texas, localizado en la frontera con México. El estudio • Acknowledgement: Drs. Rodríguez and Hagan were responsible for the acquisition of a grant from the Ford Foundation awarded to the Center for lmmigration Research that funded this research. 1 Cecilia Garza. Chair, Department of Psychology and Sociology, Texas A&M Intemational University, College of Arts and Humanities 2 Michael Landeck. Professor of Marketing and Intemational Business, Texas· A&M lntemational University, College of Business Administration 3 Nestor P. Rodríguez. University of Houston, Center for Immigration Research, College of Social Sciences 4 Jacqueline Hagan. University of Houston, Center for Immigration Research, College of Social Sciences �52 C. Garza, M. Landeck. N. P. Rodríguez, J. Hagan involucró 101 entrevistas con residentes del área. Los resultados de la implementación institucional de la legislación muestra que un número significativo de individuos están perdiendo algunos servicios sociales y que otros están evitando solicitar los servicios. Otros hallazgos indican que aquellos individuos a quienes les gustaría solicitar la ciudadanía de los Estados Unidos están descubriendo que es difícil y caro. Aquí analizamos el estigma que caracteriza a estas dos poblaciones. inmigrantes y beneficiarios de servicios de bienestar social, asi como el continuo esfuerzo del gobierno para reforzar el patrullaje fronterizo y el control del flujo de inmigrantes. Introduction Toe City of Laredo within the county of Webb has a rich and long history, which malee ita unique place to live and study. Laredo, one of the oldest cities in the United States, was established in 1755 by a Spanish Iand grant (Green, 1990). Laredo has had seven flags, one more than its own state ofTexas, since it was once its own independent r-epublic, the Republic ofthe Rio Grande, a testament to its truly notable distinctiveness. Toe cultural heritage of Webb County residents is inseparable between its Mexican and its American historical antecedents. English and Spanish are spoken interchangeably to the frustration of sorne and the expediency ofothers. Cultural, historical, and religious holidays from both nations are celebrated with comparable enthusiasm. Laredo has one ofthe nation's highest percentages ofHispanic-origin populations with 93 .2%. Many of the residents of twin cities, such as Laredo and Nuevo Laredo have relatives on both sides ofthe Rio Grande River and maintain frequent communications between the two countries, separated only by a political boundary line. Laredo, with a population of 162,122, is the major intemational crossing point along the U.S.-Mexican border. Forexample, in 1997, there were 41,095,415 individuals who crossed theU.S.-Mexico border in Laredo and Nuevo Laredo, ofwhom 7,969,214 were U.S. citizens and 33,126,201 were non-U.S. citizens (Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1998). Laredo is the fastest growing city in Texas, located 150 miles south ofSan Antonio, 150 miles west ofCorpus Christi, and 156 miles north of Monterrey, Mexico. Laredo is a major trade and manufacturing center with a diverse economy from grain and livestock, to petroleum and natural gas. The maqui/adora industry, or twin plant assemblies, where component parts are manufactured in the U.S. and assembled in Mexico, has flourished with a total of 340 of E.ffects of inmigration and welfare reform ... 53 these plants now served by Laredo, up from 190 in 1992 (Laredo Development Foundation, 1997). Because of the city's geographic location and major highways on both sides ofthe Río Grande River, there is a significant flow ofpeople, vehicular and freigbt traffic across this port of entry between the U. S. and Mexico border as seen in Table 1. These figures are remarkable especially when we consider how the volume ofpeople and vehicular traffic has reshaped the landscape of an otherwise, busy but tranquil, mid-size city. Truck traffic is seen throughout the <lay and night. On many and frequent occasions, trucks can be seen for miles long along IH35 waiting to cross into Mexico. Sometimes these trucks wait for severa! hours in bumper-tobumper traffic before they reach the international b1idge for inspection and on to their destinations. Informal discussions around City Hall have considered placing portable toilet facilities along IH35 for the truckers' use. For now plans are underway for a fourth intemational bridge to alleviate traffic congestion. The volume oftruck traffic is truly-phenomenal for a mid-size city and represents 62. l % ofthe north- bound traffic in Texas and 61.2 of the southbound traffic. The railway traffic is even heavier than the truck traffic as seen in Table 1. Laredo commands 63.9% ofthe northbound raíl traffic in the state and 62.3% ofthe southbound raíl traffic. The port ofLaredo is credited with handling $27.4 billion dollars of irnports and $28.4 billiÓn dollars ofexports (Texas A&M lntemational University, 1999). By comparison, the data on trade demonstrates the irnportance ofLaredo as a port of trade, edging ali other border sites with 45.9% of the northbound trade and 53.2% of the southbound trade. The revenues collected at the port ofLaredo is also staggering in its volume and its rapidgrowth. For example, accordingto the U.S. Customs (1997), $92 million dollars was collected in 1987. In 1992, only five years later, $191 million dollars .was collected in revenues and again, five years later, in 1997, this figure is now at $271 million. Selected Demograpbics The U.S.-Mexico border area, including Laredo, has attributes that are significantly different from regional, state and national statistical data. These differences malee the border area a unique "binational, bicutturai and bilingual subculture" (Sharp, 1998: l) with greater simi- �C. Garza, M Landeck, N. P. Rodríguez, J. Hagan r-- -!"' ~o CI) r-- M. M M o v· CI) -o CI) i::i... ... M -€o z ~o CI) "' o ~ ~ -€o z ~o "' .Sl CI) -CI) 'O $ VI VI VI r-- <'i° r-r-- VI 00 M r-- v 00 o VI ~ v v C'i r-- o °',...,o..· o· '°v 00 M 00 00 o o o..· v v· ,..., °'oo ,..., °'r--· ,..., 00 ~ •Ir"! ~ ' r.:. N""<t (A o -o j N °$. ,..., N '° r-r-- • "'= ~ -· N - 00 N °$. .,., °' °' N 00 N• ""! ,..., N ,..., ~o M• °$. VI. °' -€o z r-- M VI '° r--· C/l ~ o r-:- M M. v ~o M VI o °'- "#. °'º· --· °'·- '°°' "#. °'r-:- °'o º· '° - '° M -€o z '6 v. °'r-- C/l "#. M -º· -€o z :;::I ~ '°v 00 ~ ~ M r-- M o:,R ~ N ,.... .,-; v '° °$. ,.... .,., ~ ,.... .,.., ~ O\' • VI (A t-- ~ ~ ~~ VI O v .., °$. Effects ofinmigration and welfare reform ... 55 larities to other border regions than to their respective nations. Laredo's population is primarily Hispanic, ofMexican descent. ln spite ofthe economic growth described above, a significant portion ofthe population Iives at or below the poverty level as Sharp (1997: 13) aptly describes an economy of"growth without prosperity". The City of Laredo and the county of Webb clearly depict a system of social stratification based on socioeconomic distinctions, sorne of which are noted in Table 2. The population is overwhelmingly Hispanic (93 .2%), relatively young with 37.5% under age eighteen, and a dependent population of almost half, 45% including the under eighteen and over sixty-five years of age. Another salient characteristic is the low leve! of educational attainment, which partly explains the lower per capita income, the high number of people on public assistance and the high rate of poverty, especially among children. Interestingly, the percent ofowner occupied housing units in Webb County is almost the same as the State's with 60.6% and 60.9% respectively. Social and Health l ndicators According to the Laredo-Webb County Health Department in its Needs Assessment Survey of Health Risk Factors (1995), Webb County, and in particular, the city ofLaredo, where 92% of the county's population resides, is adversely impacted byenvironmental and health problems associated with poverty and the corresponding depressed econornies ofthe two border cities. These health problems include a rate oftuberculosis that is three times the state rate, a high incidence and prevalence of hepatitis, gastrointestinal problems, skin disorders, and immunization preventable diseases. Many residents do not have health insurance and lack the financia! means to access adequate health care. Because of the area 's depressed economy and history oflow wages, a significant proportion ofthe residents qualify for various pub! ic assistance programs. These federal and state funded programs, Iisted in Table 3, generate a substantial dollar value to the local economy, which neither the county or city governments could hope to replace. The Food Stamps Program, for example, generated $43,561 ,351 to the local economy in 1997. �C. Garza, M Lamieck, N. P. Rodriguez, J Hagan 56 Table 2 Selected and comparatíve cbaracteristics of tbe population WebbCounty Texas 170,863 18,723,991 Percent foreign bom 25.0 9.0 Percent no-citiz.en of total foreign bom 69.3 66.2 Percent Hispanic 93.2 27.1 Percent While 6.1 58.9 Percent Afiican American 0.1 11. 7 Percent other 0.6 2.3 Percent wtder 18 years ofage 37.5 28.9 Percent 65 years and over 7.6 10.2 67,590 9,384,000 10,757 19,145 Percent unelll)k>yed 9.3 6.4 Percent in poverty1 34.9 17.8 Percent of chíldren in poverty1 47.2 24.0 % ofhousehoki receiving public assistance 16.7 6.7 68,167 10,310,605 Percent bigh scoool graduates 47.8 72.1 Percent Colk:ge graduates 11.1 20.3 34,438 6,070,937 60.6 60.9 General profile Total resilent population Table 3 Webb County participation in social programs, 1997 Program Nº of clients Payments 53,235 $43,561 ,351 Food stamps . Per capita income Persorn 25 year-s and over Occupcd housilg units Percent owner occupied Sotree: U.S. Bueau ofthe Cemm, USA CollttS, 1996 1 Cem:r i>r Pmli: Poli:y Pri>rtts, Texas Kids Counts Project, 1994 $ 6,947,661 TANF Basic Unemployed parent Civilian labor force 57 Effects of inmigration and welfare reform ... 9,380 397 Nursing l¡omes 363 $8,644,727 Cormm.mity care 2,022 $12,935,448 Medicaid 30,555 Aged and disabled 9,411 Source: Texas Department ofHurmn Services Implementation oflmmigration Refonn and ImmigrantResponsibility Act (IRAIRA) and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) IRAIRA Public Law No. 104-193 was signed August 22, 1996 and PRWORA was signed September 30, 1996. According to the Texas Department ofHuman Services (1996), the State ofTexasbegan implementing House Bill 1863, passed by the 74111 Texas Legislature in May 1995. Senator Judith Zaffirini and Representative Harvey Hilderbran sponsored House Bill 1863. Texas was granted a federal waiver in March 1996 to implement welfare refOím Jegislation. This study, conducted during the summer of 1998, sought to examine the socio-economic consequences ofthe new policies on families and their communities. Perspectives and perceptions of implementing agencies There are various human service organizations and state agencies that play a specific role in the implementation process ofthe immigra- �58 C. Garza, M Landeck. N. P. Rodriguez, J. Hagan tion and welfare reform laws. lnitially, agency directors and community leaders were in the dark about their responsibility regarding the execution and enforcement ofthese laws. No one in the public sphere, including elected officials, local Chambers of Commerce, and local businesses had made any type of an organized etfort to answer anticipated community concems. No local initiatives had been made with regards to public education,job training, or potential community health problems. Agencies most directly involved with the implementation phases are the Social Security Administration, the Texas Department ofHuman Services and the Workforce Commission. The enforcement of irnmigration control is maintained within the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the Border Patrol. The Social Security Administration district offices determine eligibility for Medicaid and the Supplemental Security lncome (SSI) based upon whether the legal resident had worked for forty quarters of eligible work under the Social Security syst.em. The Texas Department ofHurnan Services (TDHS) determines eligibility for food stamps and the new Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), formerly known as Aid to Families with Dependent Children or AFDC. TDHS also detennines eligibility for the jobs program and emergency aid. For the elderly population, the fear ofhaving services terminated was quite troublesome and frustrating. lnitially, people had been told nursing home services would be only for U.S. citizens and long-term care residents, many who are bedridden, could not imagine how they wou Id proceed with the requirement ofbecoming a U.S. citizen. MexicanAmericans are one of the ethnic groups with the lowest rates of obtaining naturalized U.S. citizenship indicating that insufficient knowledge ofthe English language and fear ofnot passing the examination as reason for not becoming citizens (Garza, 1997). For many ofthe elderly residents, whose generation had quite lirnited or non-existent formal education, learning English and taking a test in it was perceived as an irnpossibility. Losing the Medicaid benefits is what clients feared most. There was a great sense ofreliefto the elderly, their families and their providers of care, when the policy was announced that individuals already enrolled in the program would be allowed to maintain their eligibility for services and would not be denied services based on their citizen- Effects ofinmigration and welfare reform ... 59 ship status. Program Supervisor with TDHS Gloria Landin commented that her elderly clients would call crying and feeling desperately hopeless about their fear oflosing their Medicaid benefits. Tbe food stamp caseload in Webb County decreased by about 2,000 with an estimated dollar value of$ l ,663 ,343. Local agencies could not afford to provide assistance at the leve! of the federal goverrunent. Webb County was spared greater losses in its food stamp caseload because its unemployment rate has been greater than 10%. One ofthe programs most impacted by welfare reform is the TANF. Sorne ofthe staffemployed by the Texas Department ofHuman Services is assigned to work with the Texas Workforce Commission and are charged with enforcing the work requirements for recipients of TANF. The work requirement mandates two-parent households work at least thirty-five hours per week, and single parents are required to work iwenty hours per week. If they refuse to cooperate, they are · denied services. The TWC schedules clients to come in for work preparedness classes on how to conduct themselves during job interviews, bow to fill out job applications, etc. During these sessions the staff are assessing their readiness for employment and often find many ofthese individuals lack basic job skills and bave multiple problems with transportation and lack appropriate and consistent childcare plans. As a result ofwelfare reform, families now have a five-year lifetime benefit period and one extra year in Texas because ofa special waiver. Tbe time lirnits are also linked to the age ofthe recipient and the leve! ofeducation. Briefly, the younger and less educated the recipient, the longer the benefit period, up to the five-year limit. TDHS employees displayed buttons on their lapelswith a clock to remind all recipients that their clocks were ticking towards their time lirnits! This action can be argued to be in poor taste and advocates for welfare rights would no doubt have something to say about such a practice. Individuals denied food stamps would fütd it harder to make ends meet with the limited TANF check. Another signiticant reform is that if a recipient has another child while on assistance, the new baby does not exempt the parent from the work requirement. Sorne families are refusing services because they cannot meet with tbe demands of tbe work requirement. For example, one recipient said sbe had no transportation and had to pay five dollars for a ride that was much �60 C. Garza, M Landeck, N. P. Rodriguez, J Hagan more than she could afford for the job at mínimum wage working twenty hours per week. Toe Social Security Administration has been overwhelmed by the volume oftraffic in their offices as a result ofthe implementation of immigration and welfare reform policies. SSA representatives predict that the waiver of not denying legal residents services if they were receiving these before the implementation ofthe law, will reduce the number of people seeking citizenship because the hardships of citizenship_requirements especially for the elderly population. The Laredo District Offices ofthe SSA attend the citizenship ceremonies held at the local civic center and provide new citizens with the application for their social security cards. Citizenship ceremonies are now held at the civic center because it is the only place in town that can accommodate the Iargest number of people. These ceremonies used to take place in the federal courthouse. Toe one I attended included 500 new citizens swom in July 1998. The ceremonies are scheduled quarterly and are a major event for the participants and their families. The SSA had to hire additional temporary employees to handle the workload that resulted from immigration and welfare refonn. The changes in the policies have also created more work for them. For example, individuals had to be reins_tated after they had been denied services based on their resident alien status. Applicants for services who carne in after August 22, 1996 have been placed on hold and initially the agency had no instructions as to how to proceed with their status. Now the SSA is accepting applications from non-citizens, whereas, prior to September 1, they were not. One ofthe major areas of concern for the SSA representatives is with applicants who cannot prove they have accumulated the forty quarters of work requirement. For exan1ple, agricultura) migrant workers useéi to file under the social security number of the head of the household and everyone in the farnily used that account. Other occupations were not covered under social security, and individuals paid in cash have no way to prove they have worked those quarters. Another interesting situation is for divorced women who cannot combine quarters with their husband's even ifthe marriage )asted longer than ten years. However, married women can combine their quarters with their husband's work history. Also, if the spouse died, they can combine the quarters only if the couple was living together at the time of death. Effects ofinmígration and we/fare reform . 61 The local public health clinics, such as the Laredo-Webb County Health Department, Laredo Family Planning and Gateway Community Health Center, expect an increase in the demand for their services as people are denied other federally funded services. When people lose the TANF, they also lose their Medicaid coverage that in tum, will require that they seek other avenues ofhealth care. These public health providers have limited budgets and already are having to curtail services because there are not enough resources to provide ali types ofhealth care for everyone who needs it. Heaith care providers, whether prívate or non-profit, need paying customers to maintain financia! solvency. When individuals lose their health care insurance coverage, the burden increases for the public health providers. Acéording to the Health Director, Mr. Jerry Robinson, loss of a service such as prenatal care will result in higher pubic costs in walk-in deliveries, increase in infant mortality and an overall decrease in health status. lssues surrounding health and the quality of life in a community are critica!. The Laredo Family Planning agency sees their role in a Iarger context and feels a sense of responsibility in preventing disease, such as sexually transmitted diseases, regardless ofthe patient's resident status. Clinic personnel have heard their clients speak about their confusion regarding eligibility and which age ncies will report people to the íNS and which ones will not (García, 1998). Webb County does not have a publicly supported hospital, but has a privately owned, non-profit hospital, Merey Regional Medica! Center. Hospital personnel expect a greater number of people will be going to the emergency room because the public knows they cannot be denied emergency services. This practice will be more costly. The maternal population has increased and because ofthe hospital's mission as a Catholic institution, they are committed to helping every pregnant woman, regardless oftheir citizenship status. Hospital personnel report that physicians have expressed their concem over having to deliver babies for women who have not received prenatal care · because ofthe higher risk in complications. Also, physicians may not be getting paid for their services if the women are not eligible for Medicaid because of their non-citizen status. The hospital clairns to absorb the costs, but they don't know for how long they will be able to keep up this practice. Merey Regional Medica! Center as well as Colombia Doctor's Hospital, treat the victims of accidents encoun- �62 C. Garza, M. Landeck, N. P Rodríguez, J. Hagan tered by illegal, undocumented individuals when they attempt to swim the river, cross the railway tracks or suffer dehydration. The hospital's Social Services Departments attempt to collect for payments owed from the patient's families if they can locate them, or from County Welfare funds and also from the Mexican Consulate. Advocates for immigrant's rights are few with even less to non-existent advocacy groups for welfare rights. In Webb County, Catholic Social Services has a department of immigration services that provides information and assis~ce to individuals. The agency charges fees for their services and not everyone can afford the fees although these are reported to be less than what attomeys charge. Nonetheless, Catholic Social Services has seen an increase in the number of persons who wish to become naturalized citizens. According to its Director, Daniel Martinez, rnany individuals do not qualify because they do not know English, have sorne type of criminal record. or simply cannot prove they have been in the U.S. for at least five years. Mr. Martinez thinks there will be greater unemployment as a result of the immigration and welfare reform policies. Another organization that helps individuals with their immigration questions is the Centro de Servicios Sociales Aztlan. This organization is a small operation which functions as a grassroots agency and has very limited resources. This organization is one of the few in town certified by INS to process applications for legal rcsident status and citizenship. The Intemational Good Neighbor Council (IGNC) is represented by· various business leaders and elected officials. According to the president, Alberto Cardenas, they are vaguely informed about changes in immigration policy. The IGNC caters to the business sector and prioritizes its concerns over the truck and auto traffic delays at the intemational bridges and wants to facilitate entry into the U .S. by Mexican shoppers. Another way that state agencies play a role in the implementation o f the immigration and welfare reform laws is when families come to the attention ofthe Criminal Justice System. These families are usually working for low wages. The Webb County Community Supervision and Corrections Department make frequent referrals to local services on behalf oftheir clients. However, since the implementation of imm igration and welfare reform, the staff is reluctant to make referrals Effects ofinmigration and welfare reform ... 63 because INS could deport them orthey could be hurting their clients' chances of becoming citizens. When defendants are deported, the family is left behind to fend for themselves. Adult Probation Officers report that !NS officers can be seen frequently in their offices when they come to make arrests of resident aliens. The Felony Division of the Comrnunity Supervision and Corrections Department is obligated to report to !NS individuals who are in the country illegally. Deportation is reported to be especially difficult for individuals who have lived in thiscountry most oftheir life (Stillman, 1998). Problems and barriers to imp/ementation Severa! problems and barriers to the effective implementation ofthe immigration and welfare reform acts have been identified sorne of which are listed as follows: lnformation flow is not reaching everyone who needs to know, such as welfare workers, public leaders, immigration advocates, etc. The infonnation, which is provided;'is often confusing as to dates of implementation and their applicability to which individuals are not clear. An indi vidual 's work his tory. totally rele vant to the ir eligibility for benefits, is not always easy to prove, especially when individuals may have been paid in cas h, or the companies they used to work forno longer exist. The fines and fees imposed by INS are increasingly high and preventing individuals from correcting their te nuo us status because they cannot afford to pay the INS. Clients report of discretionary treatment by INS officials during their interviews for citizenship. lt seems sorne officials are much more lenient while others are harsh. Others apply the English requirement, while others do not. There is inconsistency with the application process and clients report that getting U.S. citizenship depends to a great extent on the mood ofthe INS official. lndividuals are paying for citizenship classes, not ali of which are legitimate educational outlets. �64 C. Garza. M. landeck. N. P. Rodríguez, J. Hagan A number of "businesses" have spurted catering to the immigrant population and no one is checking their legitimacy or ethical practices. Individuals who have paid large sums of money to get their status as legal residents have reported instances of exploitation. • Human service workers do not see themselves ira the role of enforcers and do nct want to report anyone to the INS whose legal starus is not clear. • Changes in the regulations have added to the confusion• such as who is now exempt and when does the new policy take effect for which clients. • The trust human service organizations may have shared with their clients has been called into question when and ifthey have to identify their clients by name to enforcement agencies. • The full impact of the changes are not fully known or understood. For example. no one knows what will happen when a family reaches their five-year lifetime benefit limit, and they are notable to find sustainable employment? Many questions remain unanswered. EffectsofIRAIRAand PRWORA From the l O1 household questionnaires conducted over the summer of 1998, we find various interesting interpretations and effects that have i.mpacted the irnmigrant population in Webb County. For ~e sake of brevity, not aU of the variables are documented here. I w1II elaborate on factors dealing with a) the public's knowledge of the laws and the changes to the immigration and welfare policies; b) information on the loss ofpublic assistance prograrns and the type of assistance lost; e) inforrnation on how respondents are paying f~r their medica\ care; d) the employment status and the respondent s irnmigrant status; e) data on the number of applications and intentions to apply for U .S. citizenship; f) information as to whether or not the respondent was ever stopped by an imrnigration official, _and finally, g) the overall perception of the family impact regardtng the immigration and welfare reform legislation is included. Ejfects of inmigration and welfare reform ... 65 Household interpretations and effects Regarding the public's knowledge ofthe laws and the changes to the immigration and welfare policies., the data indicates that 58.4% ofthe respondents are aware about these changes. From the qualitative responses we know that much of the respondents k:nowledge is vague and acquired from secondary sources and not from legitirnate government sources ofpublic officials. Respondents' knowledge ofthe changes to the immigration and welfare policies is clearly lower than their overall reported knowledge ofthe laws. Interestingly, data on the loss of public assistance prograrns shows that relatively low percentages, 17.8%, ofthe respondents have lost sorne type of public assistance as a result of the imrnigration and welfare reform Jegislation. This pattem is consistent with various discussions held with TDHS workers and supervisors. The local staff of the TDHS have historically been client-oriented and report that they will continue to do what they can to assist families and individuals because they see the needs and unfortunately, sorne get caught in the web of confusing regulations which result in denials of services even when the need remains. TDHS Supervisor, Michelle Garza, for exampl~, explained that in many ofthe food stamps cases, one family member may be the one disqualified, but the rest of the household members remain eligible. This means that the family is receiving fewer benefits, but still sharing what they do get with the rest ofthe family. Regarding the types ofpublic assistance benefits lost, the food stamp program has the highest frequency, but even there, this represents a small number ofresponses. The large number ofno responses or not applicable responses could be that respondents did not lose a public benefit, as many in fact, did not. The method of paying for medica! bilis is an important question because it speaks directly to the irnpact oftwo ofthe major prograrns affected by welfare reforrn which is the Supplemental Security Income and the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families both ofwhich· entitle recipients to Medicaid coverage. Toe data reveals that quite a number ofpeople pay with cash or make installrnent payments to pay for their health care, 48.5% combined. Again, from the qualitative responses, the partial explanation is that many border residents go to Nut:vo Laredo, Mexico for their health care because it is less expensive. �C. Garza, M. Landeck. N. P Rodriguez, J. Hagan 66 The employment status shown is encouraging when we consider that Webb County has such a high unemployment rate with 9.3% unemployed. Here, almost half of the responden~ are cun:ently empfoyed and another 15% are looking for work. 1t 1s not enttrely clear why sorne ofthe respondents are not looking for work except to re_fer to the identifying information from the respondents who are canng for young children and those who are attending English classes for U.S. citizenship. The legal pennanent residents make up the largest category of the ¡ 01 respondents with 64.4% (Table 4). lnterestingly, only three individuals are undocurnented or "iUegal". Speaking as one of the interviewers, the reader is reminded that many of the respondents were reluctant to disclose infonnation about their immigration status. There is distrust and apprehension about sharing information with outsiders. Almost one third ofthe respondents, 30.7% are U.S. citizens. Table 4 Characteristics of respondants (N==JOI) Citizenship status Percent Legal permanent resilent 64.4 U.S. citizen 30.7 Undocumented worker 2.9 Unknown 2.0 Total 100.0 The results of the study show that only 26.7% of the respondents applied for U .S. citizenship anda comparable number, 28. 7%, gave no response or said this did not apply to them. I believe that the question may have confused sorne people because it needed clarification to determine and exclude those individuals who may have already applied for citizenship and were waiting for a response. There_i~ also the number ofindividuals, thirty-one, who are already U.S. c1t1Zens, and thus do not need to apply for citizenship. We see here that, as many as 40.6% of the respondents do intend to become citizens, Effects ofinmigration and welfare refor"J ... 67 however, an even larger number, 52.5%, gave no response. Again, the problem here could be that many ofthese individuals did not respond because they are already citizens or because they have already applied for citizenship. The nurnber of individuals stopped by imrnigration officials is relatively low at 16.8% when one considers the build up ofINS officers in the city and the county. However, once again the City ofLaredo has a unique approach to ali of its problems and the local INS, and in particular the Border Patrol Sector, has consistently made an ali out effort to be well received in the community. For example, the Border Patrol sponsors an Explorer Troop and every month recognizes one high school honor student from each of the six high schools. This event receives excellent media coverage and local elected officials join the Border Patrol in the presentation of these awards. Thus, when four hundred engineers with the Army Corps of Engineers moved in to town in January of 1998 to build an 80-mile road along the Río Grande River to assist the Border Patrol with their surveillance efforts, the opposition to their presence quickly died. lt is not too surprising that less than one fourth of the respondents report having felt an impact because ofthe immígratíon and welfare reform legislation. First, most ofthe 101 respondents were either citizens or legal permanent residents and thus, would not have been directly and adversely affected by the changes in irnmigration and wclfare. Second, one cannot assume that everyone has a common understanding as to what we mean by impact. Third, speaking from experience working with people with limited resources, one hardship is often translated into another challenge where an adjustment or a coping strategy meaos managing and the issue is no longer a problem until the next hardship comes along. Community effects According to Rosie Reyes ( 1998), Paralegal and Notary Public with Tramites Migratorios para Ciu dadanías y Peticiones a la Aduana, there are no organizations, per se, promoting citizenship, and especially not the INS. lndividuals are promoting themselves and their families. There has been a significan! increase in the number of individuals applying for work pennits, legal permanent residency and citizenship. There is a great <leal of confusion among the information that the various level of INS are receiving and d isseminating. Ms. �68 C. Gana. M . landecA:. N. P. Rodríguez. J. Hagan Fffects of inmigration and welfare reform 69 Reyes claims INS inspectors often call her for the latest po~icy on various issues. For example, at the point of en~,. fNS. offic1~ls ar_e considered inspectors and are not thoroughly fam1har w1th the unm1gration law. son cannot be excluded from citizenship based solely on their receipt ofMedicaid, emergency or otherwise" (HCFA, 1997). This is yet another example ofthe rampant confusion wbich exists regarding policy issues and their implementation. Anotber problem area has been the procedural changes reg~d!ng the fingerprinting. INS has changed the locales where fingerpnn~mg can be done and no tonger accept fingerprinting from the shen~s nor the city's police department. Fingerprinting is currently be~g done for a $25.00 fee at the Colombia Solidarity Bridge, about 30 miles from the city, and by appointment only. Another border problem is the high nurnber of pregnant women who come to deliver their babies at Merey Hospital. According to Ms. Reyes, her clients have told her that the hospital social workers are telling them to give a local address in order to qualify for Medicaid services. Ms. Reyes asserts she has advised them against receiving public benefits because of tbe danger of their applications being rejected should they decide to process their legal residence status. There are many barriers to citizenship and barriers to allowing ~eople to work. According to Ms. Reyes, this is creating .ª _p_opulat1on of vagrants who are resorting to violence, illegal act1v1t1es, etc. The extensive delays imposed by INS in processing documents are a~other type ofbarrier. Ms. Reyes' clients are receiving letters that the1r docwnents for citizenship will take from 550 to 750 days to be processed. Zuga ( 1998) reports the backlog of applications for natur~lized citizenship is almost two million. Applications for work penmts or legal residence that used to take about three weeks to get a response are taking more than three months. Toe 125% ofpoverty rule are a significant barrier because most ~eople heredo not earn $20,500 for a farnily offour. Anotherobst~c\e 1s t~at INS is checking each application for Medicaid benefits and mformmg people that they must pay back the benefits before their applications are processed. Ms. Reyes showed me a letter to that effect,_ whic~ she has translated into Spanish and is distributing to prospectlve cltents. In a memorandum from the Department of Health and Human Services Health Care Financing Administration to State Medicaid Dir_ectors, ( l 997) states "We are being told by our clients that _INS offic1~ls are advising people seeking entry into the U.S. that the1r papers w1II not be processed until they have repaid the state fo~ any money spent 00 their behalf through Medicaid and other ~ub_h~ heal~ care programs. Receipt of Medicaid payments by an md1v1dual, m the absence of fraud or overpayment, does not create debt, an~ ~e beneficiary is not indebted to the state for repayment the Med1ca1d program has no authority to collect repayments ofbenefits from current or former beneficiarles except where those benefits were fraudulently received or wbere an overpayment has occurred .... As such, a per- The INS is reported to be deporting ali undocumented individuals quickly and efficiently, whereas before they were much more lenient with them according to Ms. Reyes. They are not giving any second chances regardless ofwhich it is or how decent the person looks, etc. The detention center is continuously full. Ms. Reyes is a forrner INS employee, who quit to setup her own business assisting people with their various applications processed by INS. Like her, there are severa! such individuals who have become self-employed in a similar service. The Laredo Bar Association has been organizing severa! information forums to inform the public about the many changes in the immigration laws and their impact on those who wish to file for citizenship, work permits, legal residence, etc. Attomeys such as Maria Elena Morales specialize in immigration cases. Ms. Morales handles a large number ofapplicants and reports there are long waiting lists of people who have applied and whose applications are taking up to two and a half years. There have been many types of unusual cases and obstacles to acquire documents. In sorne cases the parents are now dead and getting documents to prove identity and prove citizenship derived from a parent is not easy. The bar association is also promoting ali legal residents, (non-citi~ z.ens) to file their applications for citizenship because tbere is every indication tbat in tbe future, servíces may be available only to citízens, including such things as insurance or various types, home loans, educatíonal loans, etc. ln other words, it is no longer true that it is not necessary to become a citizen. �C. Garza, M. Landeck. N. P. Rodríguez, J. Hagan 70 Many people hold back from processing their citizenship applications because they fear the citirenship test. However, there are exceptions and many do not know what these are, just like they do not know that many may be able to derive their citizenship from the parents and not have to go through the naturalization process. Sornetimes INS does not screen these applications well and have applicants ,go through the naturalization process when, in fact, they could go through the citizenship process. According to Morales, the issue ofthe good moral character is being reviewed like never before, as is child support. Child support payments must be current even ifthe children are in Mexico. Sponsors are investigated as to their economic capacity to provide for the _people they are assisting and will be held accountable for any pubhc benefits received by applicants. Mexican Viewpoint Mexican Consul Luis Ramirez contends that a major concem is the safety ofthe Mexican citirens while in the U.S. The Mexica~ Consulate assists Mexican nationals with medical expenses and w1th transportation costs for their retum trip to Mexico. There is no precise record of the number of accident victims encountered by undocumented workers and no organization responsible for keeping such records. Toe media reports the mishaps. These are usually quite serious involving loss of limbs, nearly drowning, falling from the bridge, or someone pinched by a railroad car. The number of individuals coming legally and illegally to the U.S. continues regardless of the various laws that attempt to res~ict the migration. Mexico passed a constitutional amendmen~, A~1cle ~ 7, which facilitates Mexican citizen's ability to keep the1r nattonahty, even when they have obtained citizenship elsewhere. Toe goal ofthis arnendment is to protect the human rights ofMexican citizens living abroad and to encourage them to obtain their legal rights in the country where they reside. lt is believed this has been a ~eat ~pe~s for the surge ofapplications for U.S. citizenship by MeXIcan rrrumgrants. Toe dangers continue for the many undocumented who enter illegally and especially this summer when there have been record-breaking temperatures. Coyotes who transport undocumented workers have been known to leave groups ofpeople unattended and without water. Effects ofinmigra/ion and we/fare reform ... 71 For the Mexican nationals, known as commuters, or green-card holders, the obstacles will be greater when their current "mica" expires September 1998. These cards will be replaced by a laser-type mica which is believed to be more difficult to duplicate fraudulently. Tbe cost ofthese cards will be $45.00. lndividuals will need to go to the American Embassy to apply for the border crossing cards. The final rules have not been distributed to the Mexican Consulate, but tentatively, individuals will need to prove residence in Mexico and econom ic solvency in order to qualify. The irnpact of this change will be tremendous for the thousands of individuals, including Mexican day workers, who are currently using the border-crossing card to commute daily into U.S. border cities. Their employers and businesses where they shop will undoubtedly be impacted as well. Overall lmpact on Quality ofLife In conclusion, l believe the overall impact on the quality oflifé in this community has not been felt, recognized and verbalized. Sorne of the impact is likely undemeath the surface and difficult to absorb. There are the unspoken resentments against the federal government for the manner in which the !NS has been pursuing undocumented workers and primarily those ofMexican or Latino origin. The INS bureaucracy is gaining momentum and now has the largest number of anned INS agents than any other federal law enforcement agency (Yzaguirre. 1998). 1fonly 1% ofthe "illegal" immigration is coming in through the Mexican border, why isn't the enforcement build-up not going elsewhere? We are in a cold war situation with our neighbors to the south. Healing our relationship with Mexico and other Latin American nations will be a step towards improving the quality oflife. Another way immigration and welfare refonn legislation has irnpacted the quality oflife in our comrnunity is also more psychological than physical. lndividuals who do not have a legal resident status are sutfering daily living in fear of deportation. Thosc who are trying desperately to join their farnilies find it difficult to understand how it could be possible to have laws that keep families divided. There are · many instances of family separations and the endless waiting to get a Jetter or receive a phone call from the TNS that would end the w1certainty and clear someone's legal status. The more obvious impact is seen in the reduction of servíces such as cuts in medica! services, food stamps or cash assistance. No food �C. Gana. M. landeck. N. P. Rodríguez. J. Hagan 72 bank expects to have the resources to serve ali ofthe people who are potentially eligible for services. Among the common concerns many ofthe 101 respondents had regarding the major problems in their neighborhood were the lack ofpaved roads, insufficient police protection, fear of crime, drug trafficking, and too much traffic. These are concems in common with the general population and not necessarily particular to the immigrant population. This is to say, the immigrant population is like the general population and has similar concems, similar dreams, such as owning their own home, sending their children to good schools, etc. Continued efforts by the federal govemment and elected officials to alienate the immigrant population are also an attack on ali of us as a society. Finally, much more research is indicated in various critica! arcas. For exarnple, further study is indicated to examine the following: l. the legality of losing legal permanent residency once achieved; 2 the method of qualifying individuals for citizenship; 3. the impact ofreducing food stamp caseloads, and what this loss does to the local economy in terms of lost jobs, closures of businesses, etc.. Effects ofinmigration and we/fare reform . 73 Garza, Cecilia (1997). Manana is here for immigrants seeking American citizenship. Sociotam, VIII, 2 (35-56). Green, Stan ( 1990). Laredo 1755-1920 An Overview. Laredo, Texas: Border Studies Center. Health Care Financing Administration ( 1998). Memorandum from Sal/y K Richardson. Department ofHealth and Human Services. Washington. D.C. lmmigration and Naturalization Service ( 1998). Person!II communication. Laredo, Texas. Laredo Development Foundation ( 1997). F act Sheet. Laredo, Texas. Laredo Webb County Health Department ( 1995). Health Needs Assessment Survey. Laredo, Texas. Reyes, Ros_ie. ( 1998). Office of Tramites Migratorios para Ciudadanías y Pet1c10nes a la Aduana. Personal communication. Laredo, Texas. Sharp, John ( 1998). Bordering the Future Challenge and Opportunity in the Texas Border Region. Austin, Texas. Stillman, He len ( 1998). Webb County Community Supervision and Corrections Department. Personal communication. Laredo, Texas. Texas A&M lnternational University ( 1999). Texas Center for Border Economic and Enterprise Development, Laredo, TX The entire concept projecting the belief that there is a job out there for everyone needs critical examination. Toe prívate sector must hold sorne of the responsibility for lay offs and the need to retrain the population for jobs that actually exist. In my subjective opinion, attacking immigrants and welfare recipients for a much larger problem with our political and economic system is a pitiful, inefficient and an Texas Department ofHuman Services ( 1997). Annual Report. Austin, Texas. ineffectíve strategy. Zuga, Katherine(1998). INS's New Direct Mail Procedures. Agenda, 14 (79). National Council ofLa Raza: Washington, D.C. References Arredondo, Ricardo ( 1998). Social Security Administration. Personal communication. Laredo, rx. Border Trade Institute ( 1998). College ofBusiness Administration. Laredo, Texas: Texas A&M lntematíonal Uníversity Center for Public Policy Prioríties ( 1994 ). Texas Kids Count Project. Austin, Texas. Gacela, Femandina (1998). Laredo Family Planning Services Executive Director. Personal communication, August 9. 1998. Laredo, Texas. U.S. Customs Department (1998). Laredo Sector. Laredo. Texas. Yzaguirre, Raul ( 1998). Raids are a reckless and ineffective way to enforce immigration law. Agenda, 14 (1-6). National Council of La Raza: Washington, D.C. �Efectos sobre el nivel de participación de tres paquetes motivacionales Jos~ Guillermo Z6ftiga :Urate' Resumen Se realizó un estudio experimental aplicado en México con tres grupos de estudiantes de secundaria. con el fin de indagar la fuerza de tres paquetes motivacionales sobre aspectos de variable dependiente tales como asistencia, rendimiento académico, puntualidad y participación en trutas. Los resultados indicaron que el grupo de motivación intrlnseca fue e l más poderoso en el logro de rendimie ntos en la mayorla de los aspectos de variable;: dependiente; le siguió el Grupo de Motivación Usual y, finalmente, el Grupo de Refuerzo Típico. Los resultados confirmaron parcialmente las hipótesis generales iniciales. Se comentan las implicaciones de los hallazgos en el ámbito de la intervención comunitaria en trabajo social Abstract An applied experimental study with three groups of junior high school students was conducted in México with the purpose of ascertaining tht: strength of three motivational conditions on dependen! variable measures such as attendance, academic performance, attending on time and task participation. Results showed that the lntrinsic Motivation Group rated the highest on most of the dependent variable criteria; the Usual Motivation Group rated second on the same dependen! variable criteria and finally, the Typical Reward Group WIIS located in third place. Findings implications in • the social work community intervention field are discussed. 1 Profesor Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. �76 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate Las exigencias actuales y futuras para los profesionistas requieren la optimización, medida en ténninos de eficacia ( en el menor tiempo) Y. eficiencia (el mejor resultado), de todos lo esfuerzos de intervención comunitaria en trabajo social. Al intervenir usualmente se trata de utilizar estrategias tradicionales como elementos motivadores para el logro de los objetivos. A veces los resultados en la participación de las personas y en el logro de los resultados no es del todo lo que se esperaba o requeria. Los estudiantes de trabajo social y quienes trabajan en el campo comunitario tipicarnente experimentan frustración cuando el número de personas asistentes se va disminuyendo gradualmente a través de las sesiones al estar trabajando en la comunidad* I'' Resulta entonces importante indagar las posibles alternativas en un papel complementario o alterno de motivación social a fin de lograr la optimización del tiempo y del esfuerzo, tanto del usuario como del profesionista. Por ejemplo, en el ámbito de la salud mediante el ejercicio flsico y basándose en la teoria de las expectativas que mantiene que el curso de acción de una persona cambia como función de los incrementos o decrementos en la fuerza relativa de ganancias y pérdidas anticipadas como resultado de tomar cierta acción, Claudio R. Nigg, Kerry S. Comeya y Paul A. Estabrooks (1997) utilizaron una hoja de equilibrio de la decisión (HED) y encontraron que la HED fue capaz de mantener los niveles de asistencia mostrados en la linea base. En los grupos control y placebo existió una caída de la asistencia por debajo de la linea base. El problema de la asistencia y mantenimiento en los procesos de intervención comunitaria es abordado también en un estudio con dirigientes voluntarios (Irvine, A.B.; Duncan A. & Metzler, C. W., 1996) para efectuar entrenamiento a padres y madres, la principal barrera percibida por ellos es que los padres que más necesitan del programa no asisten a los talleres; la segunda es que no existen suficiente difusión y reclutamiento de padres y madres. Es importante seguir explorando alternativas motivacionales que incidan sobre el nivel de participación y asistencia a eventos, grupos sociales o comunitarios. Es claro que si el profesional utiliza una • La disminución del número de asistentes a las reuniones comunitarias es una queja importante de los alumnos cuando efectúan las prácticas de comunidad a nivel licenciatura. Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 77 estrategia de motivación que logre los objetivos planteados en el programa de intervención de una manera más rápida, entonces se optimizará su nivel de esfuerzo en relación a una estrategia que sea más demorada. La estrategia motivacional usual Lo usual es que en la intervención comunitaria del trabajador social en México se de por sentado que la persona entiende la importancia de su participación en las actividades grupales ya que se asume que existe conciencia acerca de su rol en algún proyecto grupal o comu~itario. Típicamente a la persona se le hace ver la trascendencia que tiene hacer lo que se ha planeado en forma conjunta, entre el grupo y el profesional. El profesionista subraya la necesidad de la participación de las personas. Por ejemplo, mediante sesiones de exposición tradicional (método de conferencia), el profesionista obtiene de las personas primero una detección de las necesidades de los habitantes, de tal manera que se llegue a un acuerdo, mediante una decisión grupal, en cuanto a cuáles van a ser las metas intermedias o definitivas que se pretenden lograr. Después se busca lograr un compromiso para que la persona siga asistiendo y participando activamente a las reuniones posteriores, para lograr la solución de problemas. Este tipo de práctica en la actividad comunitaria tiene, evidentemente, sus apoyos teóricos y prácticos. Por ejemplo, Ander Egg (1982) seflala, en relación a la estructura participativa que [Es aquella] ... mediante la cual cada uno de los integrantes del equipo participa acliva y responsablemenle con el fin de alcanzar el éxito de las tareas emprendidas. (Ander Egg, 1982: 187). [Cursivas Mlas]. Y en cuanto a la herramienta motivacionaJ principal que se debe poseer sugiere el diálogo, el cual es " . ..acción y reflexión" (Ander Egg, 1982: 99). Todas las formas sugeridas se relacionan con la evocación de la responsabilidad personal del individuo, no se menciona alguna que proponga la programación de eventos motivacionales externos. El asunto de la motivación hacia los grupos regularmente contempla el uso de técnicas de grupos pequeflos y el diálogo personal con los pobladores. La experiencia práctica realizada por los alumnos de trabajo social refleja las sugerencias propuestas en el modelo. En este tipo de expe- �78 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate riencias continuamente se emplean términos tales como "sensíbiliz.ar," o "estimular la participación," al hacer alusión a aspectos relacionados con las formas de lograr que las personas actúen para alcanzar los objetivos planteados. Cuando se realizan eventos que pudieran ser agradables para las personas, tales como competencias deportivas o festejos, éstos son tratados como actividades que fomentan la integración de los individuos en grupo, no se tratan como actividades que pudieran motivar a las personas en el logro de los objetivos sociales más trascendentes ni se dirigen al logro de metas. En este esquema motivacion~l, aun cuando en las primeras sesiones de grupo las personas se encuentran motivadas (debido tal vez a la situación novedosa), una vez involucrados dentro de las actividades dirigidas hacia el logro de los objetivos, el proceso de participación aún se trata de mantener mediante las mismas herramientas motivacionales: autodeterminación, responsabilidad, utilización del convencimiento mediante la palabra. Es común que en los grupos de personas de la comunidad que participan en las reuniones exista una disminución del nivel de asistencia de los miembros del grupo al paso del tiempo. Esto revela que existe la necesidad de encontrar medios alternativos o complementarios motivacionales que se combinen con las estrategias típicas que se utilizan en los procesos de motivación en los grupos. Esto lograrla también que el profesionista comunitario pudiera, dentro de nuestro contexto social, indagar en mayor profundidad la naturaleza del proceso motivacional de apoyo que está determinando el proceder de las personas en grupo, corn~ un complemento al diálogo y disposición propios de las personas. Debe recordarse que el proceso de intervención comunitario es un proceso temporal que no busca, por tanto, ni permanencia del profesionista por mucho tiempo, ni dependencia por parte del poblador hacia el profesionista del campo social o hacia sus técnicas. Siendo esto asf entonces se desprende una importancia mayor en favor de explo~ otros medios encaminados a lograr lo más pronto posible los objetivos planeados, y también el mantenimiento de los logros sin generar procesos de dependencia en relación a las estrategias motivacionales elegidas. La motivación mediante el refuerzo tlpico Además de las herramientas persuasivas que apelan al convencimiento de la persona en grupo, existen otras formas de abordar el problema Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 79 de la motivación. Estas herramientas motivacionales están más dirigidas hacia la tarea y más delimitadas en su implementación y efectíÍan una planeación muy detallada para la administración de motivadores (refuerzos). Una linea inicial de motivación fue el empleo de los denominados reforzadores primarios y secundarios (LeBow, 1976). Estos simplemente se administraban y se suponía que el solo hecho de otorgarlos produciría un aumento del comportamiento al cual eran aplicados. Por ejemplo, si un nifio no estudiaba o no hacia su tarea los padres podían ser instruidos a que proporcionaran recompensas (dinero o golosinas) cuando el niflo estudiara (Keller y Ribes, 1973), aunque fuera sólo un poco. Este tipo de técnicas produjeron resultados impactantes en un inicio, y su utilidad ha sido enorme en los esfuerzos dirigidos hacia propósitos terapéutico con nii'ios autistas por ejemplo (Rincover y Newson. 1985). Sin embargo, uno de los efectos colaterales encontrados fue que en los niños a los que se aplicaban estas técnicas de intervención sin un propósito terapéutico, a la larga comenzaban a negociar los montos de los refuerzos (incentivos que incrementan el comportamiento), dependiendo de la ejecución realizada - a más tarea más recompensa. Se han estudiado ya otros efectos colaterales indeseables de las recompensas, tales como el efecto emocional o evocado, la conducta ritualista, la supresión de la respuesta objetivo y el acercamiento hacia el agente que refuerza (Balsam y Bondy, 1983). Otro aspecto negativo ha sido la dependencia a la recompensa, es decir, el nii'io no estudiarla si se le quitara la recompensa. Efectos paradójicos inesperados como los mencionados, en relación al uso de las recompensas, han sido también el resultado de aplicaciones no profesionales de los sistemas de refuerzo. Por ejemplo, si se ignora el hecho de que la utilización de recompensas administradas a conductas adecuadas en forma de elogio, es decir felicitación y aprecio por parte del administrador de contingencias, y no se aplican restricciones en cuanto a consecuencias !imitadoras a las conductas inadecuadas (Pfiffner, Rosen y O 'Leary, 1985), entonces las recompensas tendrán · un efecto más bien adverso con respecto al rendimiento académico. Cuando los principios de aplicación han sido respetados sí se han obtenido resultados exitosos en muchos campos de aplicación (Hilts, 1974). Existen principios básico en la administración de refuerzos que han sido pasados por alto por los disenadores de sistemas motiva- �80 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate cionales, sean educadores, maestros, administradores o psicólogos. Porejemplo, uno de los principios más elementalesesnuncadaraconocer a la persona o grupo que se va a recibir un reforzamiento contingente a una conducta. Este principio por lo regular se olvida y se comete el error no sólo de anunciarlos, sino de negociarlos, un aspecto que genera en la persona efectos indeseables sobre su comportamiento. Otro aspecto es variar el valor del reforzamiento en cuanto a monto o frecuencia dependiendo de la demanda (Ayllon y Azrin, 1974). Existen otros principios elementales que han sido constantemente pasados por alto, principalmente por desconocimiento pero también por un entendimiento erróneo o parcial de los principios en la administración de recompensas. Se puede concluir entonces que el empleo y aplicación de los reforzadores no es de ninguna manera simple ni fácil de realizar. Requiere el dominio de diversos principios que han ido surgiendo de la investigación en el área. La utilización de las recompensas basándose únicamente en el sentido común, es muy llamativo para muchas personas, e incluso para los profesionistas. El empleo no sistemático e improvisado de las recompensas por paite de personal no capacitado ha sido una de las principales limitantes de que los intentos por investigar y aplicar estos principios a la solución de problemas, tengan el rechazo de legos y profesionales: el sentido común dice que es obvia la fuerza de los reforzadores para fomentar conducta; entonces se hace una utilización improvisada de los principios; luego, ante los resultados no exitosos debido al desconocimiento se dice que la tecnología de cambio mediante recompensas no funciona del todo. Aún asf, y a pesar de que existen justificantes en el uso de sistemas motivacionales debido a los errores de aplicación cometidos, de alguna manera dichos sistemas no tomaron en cuenta la dimensión afectiva y simbólica (Bandura, 1CJ77) de las recompensas implicadas en procesos de interacción social más complejos. Los procesos afectivos y simbólicos son una parte esencial del comportamiento humano. Esta carencia ha sido reconocida, y por ello han surgido enfoques más completos que consideran otras dimensiones humanas de fuentes de motivación, como es el caso de la motivación intrínseca que se aborda enseguida. Motivación intrínseca Uno de los aspectos más interesantes en el campo de los incentivos, es su relación con estados afectivos y con el compromiso. Existen Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 81 evidencias (Weinberg, 1984), de que lo importante de una recompensa es su valor de información y no su valor de control. Es decir, de acuerdo a Weinberg, cuando una persona recibe una recompensa por un comportamiento emitido, y la persona cree que se le está "compran-· do," que se le está controlando, entonces el efecto de la recompensa no fomentará su comportamiento, sino que lo suprimirá. Por el contrario, cuando la recompensa le infonna a la persona que ella es la causante del logro obtenido, y que la recompensa simplemente significa que la persona es quien obtuvo el logro, entonces el comportamiento sí aumentará. Siguiendo a este mismo autor, en el primer caso la persona percibe que la están controlando, es decir, ubica la fuerza que le quiere hacer comportarse fuera de si misma. Esto es generalmente inaceptable para los seres humanos. En el segundo caso, la persona piensa que ella es la que tuvo los logros, que la persona es quien controla su propia conducta, la recompensa simplemente le infonna que la sociedad lo sabe. Para resumir, cuando una recompensa subraya el valor de control externo al manejarse como un simple objeto, entonces su efecto será negativo, es decir, disminuirá la participación de la persona. Cuando informa que la persona misma es quien tiene el control, la recompensa aumentará la participación y la satisfacción personal. En esta aproximación denominada motivación intrínseca también se utilizan las recompensas. La diferencia es que ya no se administran de una manera simple. Las recompensas no se dimensionan por su valor como objetos, sino por su valor simbólico. Esto significa que una recompensa será capaz de aumentar la participación de las personas, si al administrarse le informa a la persona que es reconocida, y que la recompensa simboliza el reconocimiento. La recompensa no es importante en sí misma, sino por lo que significa. Este hecho subraya la extrapolación de los hallazgos en el estudio de los efectos de las recompensas y fenómenos relacionados, es el vinculo. que se ha realizado entre el enfoque conductual y el cognoscitivo, dentro de un campo denominado enfoque cognoscitivo conductual (Mahoney, 1977). En esta aproximación se estudia la reláción que los eventos exteriores, por ejemplo las recompensas, tienen sobre la fonna particular de percibirlos por parte de la persona y en base a sus cogniciones y viceversa. �82 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate Existen efectos adicionales de aprendaaje por observación implicados en el empleo del refuerzo en los procesos sociales de interacción. Por ejemplo, los efectos que las recompensas tiene sobre las personas que observan recibir un refuerzo otorgado a otra persona, es decir, una recompensa implfcita (Sharpley, 1988). Subrayar la importancia del valor de información de las recompensas, es aparentemente uno de los aspectos más importantes cuando se diseftan programas de intervención motivacional, tanto en el ámbito aplicado como en el de investigación. Explorar las dimensiones diferentes de los aspectos internos y externos que posiblemente dete1111inen el comportamiento en grupos pequeflos y grandes, es uno de los principales propósitos de la parte práctica de este estudio. Se trata de contribuir al entendimiento y búsqueda de herramientas que puedan facilitar la tarea de intervención del profesionista del campo social, de tal manera que su esfuerzo se vea coronado con una mayor eficiencia y eficacia. Es en síntesis muy importante explorar las fonnas motivacionales alternas o complementarias a fin de avanzar en el estudio de la motivación en grupos pequeflos. En este estudio un grupo recibió motivación basada en procedimientos usuales de convencimiento. es decir motivación a las personas tal y como los alumnos de trabajo social son enseflados durante su capacitación profesional. Este grupo es denominado Grupo de Motivación Usual. Un segundo grupo tuvo como reforzadores actividades sociales tales como reuniones y festejos que se programaron de acuerdo a los logros obtenidos y que buscaron el establecimiento de la motivación· intrlnseca a fin de ser dirigida a metas; finalmente, en un tercer grupo se buscó aplicar los principios de las recompensas típicas. al emplear reforzadores aplicados bajo los lineamientos de la motivación típica derivada los principios iniciales del refuerzo. Método Instructoras Las instructoras que participaron en este estudio fueron tres estudiantes del último (noveno) semestre a nivel licenciatura. Su papel fue el de enseflar los temas académicas asignados para cada sesión y, lo más importante, aplicar los tres tipos de motivación a las integrantes de cada uno de los tres grupos: motivación usual, motivación intrlnseca y refuerzo tlpico. Las tres instructoras tenían promedios sobresalientes Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 83 y pertenecian a los primeros lugares de sus grupos respectivos. Cada una de las instructoras era parte de un grupo diferente del noveno semestre de la carrera de trabajo social, de tal manera que se evitara un proceso de comunicación muy estrecho entre ellas. Los criterios de control de variable extrafla en cuanto a las instructoras fueron los siguientes: • Misma generación de egreso • Misma calificación promedio en prácticas • Mismo Sexo • Promedio de calificación muy similar en su trayectoria académica • No estar trabajando • Disponibilidad de tiempo durante las tardes • Habilidad de interacción similar (en entrevista) Instructoras e investigador firmaron un convenio de participación en el que se comprometían a terminar el estudio y a seguir los lineamientos e instrucciones proporcionados. Por otro lado. también se les informó que al final del estudio recibirían una compensación monetaria para cada una de ellas. Esta compensación se otorgó a fin de igualar las condiciones de motivación de las instructoras de tal manera que se mantuvieran participando en el estudio, independientemente de otras variables tales como sus exámenes u ocupaciones familiares. También se buscó evitar que otras variables adicionales a la percepción monetaria, tales como los antecedentes persona les de cada instructora. tuvieran un efecto predominante sobre la forma de motivar o hacer participar al grupo respectivo. Las instructoras fueron igualadas en la forma en que iban a exponrr los materiales académicos, el cual era el mismo para los tres grupos. Asimismo, las sesiones de trabajo dr los grupos, a excepción de uno de ellos, estaban programadas desde el inicio hasta el final en cuanto a las actividades que se iban a realizar. Estos aspectos estuvieron dirigidos a minimizar también la influencia de las variables extra/las originadas por las habilidades diferenciales de las instructoras. Siempre se buscó que la única diferencia existente entre los tres grupos fuera la forma diferencial de motivación que fue distinta en cada uno de los grupos. No obstante, la participación de aspectos de habilidad �84 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate diferencial entre las tres instructoras, pudo haber estado presente en alguna magnitud. Participantes Las participantes de este estudio fueron estudiantes de sexo femenino de segundo grado de secundaria, pertenecientes a tres grupos de segundo grado de una escuela secundaria técnica. Se realizó una asignación aleatoria de las participantes a los tres grupos, quedando inicialmente confom1ados por 17 participantes convocadas en cada grupo. Se les dijo a todas las participantes que por el puro hecho de participar en el estudio el maestro de historia y de civismo les iba a otorgar dos puntos sobre su calificación. Mediante esta estrategia se iba a poder lograr la participación inicial de las alumnas para después ser mantenidas trabajando, dependiendo de la fuerza motivacional de cada paquete implementado. Las participantes fueron aleatoriamente asignadas a cada uno de los tres grupos utilizando una tabla de número aleatorios. Escenario El presente estudio se efet:tuó en una escuela secundaria técnica ubicada en el municipio de San Nicolás de los Garza, N.L., México. Las sesiones de trabajo se realizaron durante la tarde, en las aulas de la misma secundaria. Cada grupo trabajó en un salón de clase distinto que no estaba directamente comunicado con algún otro salón. Una vez que las alumnas salían de las clases matutinas acudían a su casa a fin de ir a comer, entonces entraban dentro de las actividades y exigencias de su vida académica y familiar normal. Esto fue buscado con todo propósito, ya que lo que se pretendía era que la fuerza motivacional de la situación de instrucción de cada uno de los tres grupos, fuera lo que contribuyera para que las alumnas regresaran para la sesión de trabajo vespertina de este estudio. Características de la variable independiente Se manejaron tres condiciones de variable independiente, una diferente en cada grupo del siguiente modo: Grupo de motivación usual (G MU) . La motivación usual se consideró en este estudio a la fonna en que comúnmente un profesionista, en base a su entrenamiento en los nueve semestres de la carrera de trabajo social, realiza la planeación de un proyecto de instrucción dirigido hacia usuarioo con propósito académico. A fin de lograr encontrar la forma usual de planeación de sesiones educativas en egresadas de la profe- Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 85 sión, las tres instructoras de este estudio se pusieron de acuerdo, antes de iniciar la intervención, en cuanto a la manera típica en que expondrían temas académicos a estudiantes de secundaria. En ello se inclufa la forma de exposición (oral, con ejemplos. etc.); uso de ayudas audiovisuales (rotafolios, pizarrón); lógica de la exposición ( orden, prioridad) y fonnas de motivación. Esta forma de ensef\ar y motivar a las participantes fue la estrategia a 5er utilizada por la instructora del grupo de motivación usual como resultado de la fonnación profesional recibida en cuanto a formas de motivar y organizar sesiones de trabajo. Aún cuando las tres instructoras participaron en la elaboración de la forma tipicaen que son enseñadas a organizar cursos académicos, sólo una de las instructoras finalmente utilizó esta estrategia de motivación. Grupo de motivación intrínseca (GMI). En este grupo otra de las tres instructoras realizó actividades sociales programadas, que iban a buscar generar en las participantes un involucramiento emocional que generara la motivación intrínseca (Sulzer-Azaroff et al, 1977). Se partió del hecho de que la motivación intrínseca (hacer las cosas porque uno las quiere hacer), puede ser generada mediante la convivencia y relación interpersonal cálida. Esto puede lograrse en un experimento aplicado mediante la programación de actividades dirigidas hacia este propósito. Estas actividades inclufan tareas tales como asignar tiempo para platicar al finalizar la sesión de estudio; realizar juegos grupales mediante dinámicas de entretenimiento; platicar y compartir algunos comestibles como galletas, pero siempre buscando realizar un vinculo de interacción entre las participantes entre si y también con la instructora. A todas estas actividades se les debe dar un efecto simbólico, social y afectivo significativo, es decir, dando ÍI)'lportancia al orgullo, logro, superación y reconocimiento social La motivación intrínseca era esperable que se fuera estableciendo poco a poco a medida que las sesiones avanzaran. Al inicio de las sesiones se esperaba que el grado de involucramiento interpersonal fuera nulo, pero a medida que el tiempo pasara, se podrían esperar mejores logros · en el rendinliento de este grupo. Grupo de refuerzo y retroalimentación típicos (GRT). En este grupo la instructora proporcionó felicitación y aplausos por los rendimientos académicos logrados. También proporcionó retroalimentación mediante gráficas, del número de asistencias y de las calificaciones obtenidas �86 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate en los temas evaluados. Este grupo siguió los primeros principios del refuerzo positivo. Las participantes se felicitaban entre sí por los rendimientos en calificación y en asistencia logrados. La instructora también felicitaba a las participantes tanto por su rendimiento como por sus asistencias y llegadas a tiempo. Se buscó siempre que la utilización de los motivadores en las tres condiciones de variable independiente, no representara una inversión significativa de dinero de parte del investigador ni de la aplicadora, ya que un aspecto importante de este estudio fue buscar fuentes naturales de motivación utilizables. Características de la variable dependiente En los tres grupos se efectuó una medición de criterios de variable dependiente con el propósito de comparar, posteriormente, el rend imiento obtenido en cada uno de los tres grupos. Se midió: 1) la asistencia y puntualidad; 2) el rendimiento académico medido en calificaciones obtenidas en temas académicos; 3) el número de temas académicos expuestos en clase. Diseño de investigación El diseflo de investigación utilizado en el presente estudio fue un diseilo de investigación experimental con tres grupos. La posibilidad de efectuar experimentos en ambientes aplicados se refiere a la noción de que el investigador detennina el momento y fonna en que la variable independiente va a actuar sobre la variable dependiente (Kerlinger, 1984). La noción de que los experimentos en ambientes aplicados son posibles de efectuar en el ambiente social natural ha sido tratada por otros autores extensivamente (McGuigan, 1990; Bunge, 1977). En este estudio se partió de la noción de que el control experimental y, por tanto la realización de experimentos, son legltimos en su realización dentro de los ambientes naturales. Variables extrañas. Una de las principales fuentes de invalidación interna a controlar en el presente estudio fue la mortalidad. La mortalidad es la deserción o alejamiento de un número suficientemente grande de participantes de tal manera que las comparaciones estadlsticas entre los grupos no puedan realizarse (Naghi, 1992). Dado que en esta investigación se manejaron tres tipos diferentes de motivación, estaba latente la posibilidad de que uno de los grupos se quedara virtualmente sin participantes debido a la baja motivación. Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 87 Es por ello que se decidió realizar un estudio con pocas sesiones, y se consideró a la mortalidad de los grupos como una consecuencia de los tratamientos experimentales motivacionales a que fueron sometidas las participantes de los tres grupos. Otra variable extraila importante implicada en una metodologla experimental aplicada con tres grupos en un mismo lugar (una misma escuela), era la comunicación entre las participantes. Sin embargo, la fuerza de los paquetes motivacionales para producir los rendimientos correspondientes en cada grupo se consideró suficiente para neutralizar dichos efectos. Se controlaron también factores fuente de variable extraila tales como la comunicación entre las instructoras y otras fuentes de variable extraila. Procedimiento para el análisis estadístico. El análisis estadístico de los datos se efectuó utilizando la prueba post-hoc de Dw1can, sugerida por McGuigan (1990) y que es una de las opciones de prueba posthoc dentro del procedimiento de comparación de medias para más de dos grupos ONEWAY. Hipótesis. En base a la lógica de los tres paquetes motivacionales. así como de la forma en que se realizó la medición de los criterios de variable dependiente se establecieron las siguientes hipótes is: * El nivel de participación de las integrantes del grupo de motivación usual, tendrá los niveles de participación. rendimiento académico y satisfacción personal más bajos. Este tipo de motivación es la que se emplea por los profesionistas del campo social. • El grupo de motivación intrínseca mediante actividades sociales mostrará un nivel de participación y rendimiento académico más altos que el grupo A y que el grupo C. En este grupo se utilizaron actividades sociales que fomentan programadarnente el proceso de interacción social dirigido a metas. * El grupo de reforzamiento tipico mostrará un nivel de participación, rendimiento académico y satisfacción más alto que el grupo de motivación usual pero más bajo que el de grupo de motivación intrlnseca. En este grupo se utilizará el refuerzo positivo, tal y como se aplicó en las primeras fases del desarrollo de la psicologJa conductual (véase por ejemplo a Speller. 197&). �88 José Guillermo Zúñigo Zárate Se partió en estas hipótesis de que la programación de consecuencias motivacionales en el grupo de motivación intrínseca y en el grupo de refuerzo típico es más poderosa que ninguna programación. Esta fonna de plantear las hipótesis de una manera desfuvorable al grupo de motivac ión usual no significa que no existan atributos motivacionales en el profesionista que de manera usual se desempefla en los ambientes de intervención. Se plantean de esta manera para simplemente indagar el nivel de fuerza motivacional al que pueden llegar las habilidades naturales del profesionista en comparación a una motivación programada. Procedimiento Formación de los grupos. Mediante una lista las integrantes a cada uno de los grupos fueron seleccionadas aleatoriamente utilizando una tabla de números aleatorios. Una vez formados los grupos se asignó aleatoriamente a cada grupo una condición de motivación, quedando finalmente constituidos como: grupo A de motivación usual; grupo B de motivación intrínseca y grupo C de motivación mediante refuerzo típico. Actividad durante las sesiones. Aún cuando el material académico, es decir los temas que iban a ser impartidos a las participantes, fue proporcionado a las instructoras antes de iniciar las sesiones de trabajo a fin de que lo estudiaran, las instrucciones sobre la forma en que iban a generar el tipo de motivación correspondiente para el GMI y al GRT, fue proporcionado el día anterior a la sesión en que se iban a efectuar las actividades indicadas. El investigador proporcionaba a las instructoras copias del material académico correspondiente para todas las participantes el mismo día en que se abordaba el tema. También proporcionaba a las instructoras las copias de las evaluaciones para todas las participantes momentos antes de iniciar la sesión del día en que éstas se iban a efectuar. Cada sesión de trabajo tenía una hora de duración asignada para todos los grupos. Las actividades del GMU podían terminar antes, ya que no estaban programadas actividades motivacionales exteriores. A pesar de esto, la instructora de este grupo virtualmente nunca terminó más de cinco minutos antes de que terminaran las actividades del GMI y del GRT. La instructora de cada grupo tomaba la asistencia diariamente. La asistencia en los tres grupos siempre se tomó de manera subrepticia. Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 89 Se obtuvo también un registro de las llegadas a tiempo y tarde en los tres grupos. Salvo en el caso del GMU a las participantes no se les proporcionó infonnación con respecto a ~u asistencia o a sus calificaciones con el propósito de que la información no modificara la estrategia motivacional programada para los otros grupos. Una vez tomada la asistencia de manera subrepticia se iniciaban la exposición de los materiales académicos correspondientes al día y, al terminar la exposición, las instructoras del GMl y del GRT realizaban las actividades motivacionales de motivación intrín~eca y de refuerzo típico, esto es interacción social en el caso del GMI y felicitación y aplauso colectivo (retroalimentación) a las participantes en el caso ~el grupo de refuerzo típico. Resultados Asistencia total La Figura I muestra la asistencia absoluta de todas las personas en cada uno de los grupos. Este dato se obtuvo contando el número de veces que todas las personas de cada grupo acudieron a las sesiones de trabajo, independientemente de que hubieran llegado tarde o a tiempo. El número máximo posible de asistencias estaba en función del número de personas que se mantuvieron participando en cada grupo, por lo que no es posible la obtención de un porcentaje intra grupo de asistencia para compararlo con el de otro grupo. Figura 1 Asistencias totales para los tres grupos Motivación Motivación usual intrínseca Refuerm típico �90 José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate Como se puede observar, se presentaron 59 asistencias totales en el grupo de motivación usual en tanto que en el grupo de motivación intrínseca se presentaron un total de 95 asistencias a clase. En el grupo de refuerzo tlpico se presentaron un total de 64 asistencias. El grupo que obtuvo el mayor número de asistencias fue el grupo de motivación intrlnseca seguido por el grupo de refuerzo tlpico y finalmente quedó el de motivación usual. Asistencia a través de las sesiones. La figura 2 presenta los datos de asistencia de las participantes en los tres grupos a través de las once sesiones diarias de trabajo. Como se puede observar, el grupo que tuvo el mayor número de personas asistiendo a través de las sesiones fue el grupo de motivación intrlnseca seguido por el grupo de refuerzo tfpico y finalmente el grupo de motivación usual fue el que logró el menor número de personas permaneciendo en las sesiones. Figura 2 Asistencia a través de las sesiones 12. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - , 10 8+-1t--~- Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 91 motivación usual, en tanto que en el grupo de motivación intrínseca se mantiene la asistencia en las sesiones. El grupo de motivación usual terminó con cinco personas asistiendo en tanto que el grupo de motivación intrínseca terminó con una asistencia de diez participantes. El grupo de refuerzo tlpico inicia con solo tres asistencias y posterionne¡1te se presenta un incremento en las sesiones tres y cuatro, durante las cuales asistieron ocho participantes y luego disminuye la asistencia. La mayor parte de las participantes de este grupo tuvieron la oportunidad de recibir la influencia de las condiciones motivacionales programadas para este grupo hasta las sesiones tres y cuatro y no desde la primera sesión, tal como pasó en el grupo de motivación usual y en el grupo de motivación intrlnseca. El grupo que logró la asistencia diaria más baja a través de las sesiones fue el grupo de motivación usual seguido del grupo de refuerzo típico. El grupo que logró la asistencia diaria más alta fue el de motivación intrfnseca. Eficiencia en puntualidad. Además del número total de asistencias se calculó la relación entre el número de veces que se asistió y el número de veces en que se llegó tarde o a tiempo. Este cálculo se obtuvo restando al número total de asistencias de cada grupo el número de llegadas tarde. La cifra resultante es el número de llegadas a tiempo, que fue convertido a porcentaje. 1r-......:~ - Figura 3 6 Eficiencia en puntualidad 4 2 60 O+---ir--.-.--r----.--r---,----,r--,---1 50 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 W 40 30 20 10 Como se puede observar en la figura 2, el grupo de motivación usual y el grupo de motivación intrínseca iniciaron con una misma cantidad de personas asistiendo la primera sesión. El grupo de motivación usual inició con una asistencia de ocho personas y el grupo de motivación intrlnseca con nueve. A medida que las sesiones fueron pasando se presenta una cafda en la asistencia de participantes en el grupo de o-le=i_t.::::=::L.J!:::.~::L....: Motivación Motivación usual intónseca Refuerzo típico Como se puede ver en la figura 3, el grupo de refuerzo ttpico y el grupo de motivación usual fueron los que lograron un mayor porcen- �92 José Guillermo Zúliiga Zárate taje de eficiencia en puntualidad. El grupo de refuerzo típico obtuvo un porcentaje de eficiencia de 60% y el grupo de motivación usual uno de 59%. El grupo de motivación intrfnseca fue el grupo que obtuvo la menor eficiencia en puntualidad (42%), a pesar de haber sido el grupo con la mayor asistencia. F/ectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 93 75%; el grupo de motivación intr(nseca tuvo un porcentaje de 88% y el de refuerzo tlpico tuvo un porcentaje de 83%. Figura 4 Exposición de temas Rendimiento académico 90 Promedio total de calificaciones. El rendimiento académico se midió en términos de las calificaciones obtenidas por las integrantes de los grupos. Debe subrayarse que la intención del uso de las estrategias motivacionales no estaba dirigida a lograr necesariamente rendimientos elevados o de aprobación de acuerdo a los criterios usuales del sistema educativo. Como estudio experimental en el presente trabajo se trataron las calificaciones obtenidas solamente como datos a analiz.ar, independientemente de los criterios de pase que pudieran aplicarse a las calificaciones logradas. Se obtuvo el total de calificaciones logrado por las participantes en los temas académicos de los tres grupos. A fin de saber si existían diferencias estadísticas significativas entre los tres grupos, se utilizó el análisis de varianza (ONEWAY) utilizando la prueba post-hoc de Duncan. Existió una diferencia significativa (p< 0.05) en el rendimiento académico de los grupos. El grupo de motivación usual y el grupo de motivación intrínseca obtuvieron calificaciones más altas que el grupo de refuerzo típico. No existió diferencia estadísticamente significativa entre el grupo de motivación usual y el grupo de motivación intrfnseca. El promedio de calificaciones en el grupo de motivación usual fue de 64; en el grupo de motivación intrínseca fue de 70 y en el grupo de refuerzo tlpico fue de 49. Resultados en la exposición de temas Participación voluntaria. La figura 4 presenta el porcentaje de participantes que de manera voluntaria se ofrecieron a exponer un terna al grupo y a la instructora, independientemente de que la exposición por parte de la alumna se haya o efectuado o no. Esto es, ser voluntaria no significa que la persona haya realmente expuesto el tema para el que se anotó, ni que lo haya expuesto cumpliendo con los cuatro requisitos de exposición que se describen abajo. Como se pude ver, el grupo de motivación usual tuvo un porcentaje de voluntariado de 85 80 75 70 65-f"---'--.....a;.-.--_._--""----r--'----J~_,,, Motivación Motivación usual intrínseca Refuerzo típico Eficiencia de exposición. Otra medición relacionada con la exposición de temas fue la eficiencia de exposición. Cada una de las personas del grupo debía, al momento de exponer su tema de facto, cumplir la exposición siguiendo cuatro puntos básicos de presentación del material. Si se multiplica el número de personas que deberían presentar por cuatro criterios de exposición, se obtiene el total de puntos a exponer en el grupo. La cantidad de criterios por grupo de temas realmente expuestos fue el porcentaje de eficiencia de exposición. Figura S Eficiencia en exposición de temas 100 80 60 40 20 o1 ' " - - - - - - - - . - _ . _ _ - - L - - , - _ _ J L - - - - - I ~ Motivación usual Motivación intrlnseca Refuerzo tlpico �José Guillermo Zúñiga Zárate 94 Como se puede ver en la figura 5, el grupo que tuvo el porcentaje de eficiencia de exposición más alto (88%) fue el grupo de motivación intrlnseca, en tanto que en segundo lugar estuvo el de motivación usual (53%) y en tercer lugar el grupo de motivación mediante el refuerzo (42%). Comparación general de los grupos En la tabla I se presenta un concentrado de la posición que cada grupo logró en los criterios de variable dependiente que se midieron en este estudio. El número "J" en la tabla significa que el grupo fue el mejor de los tres en cuanto a la medición detallada a la izquierda; el número "2" significa que obtuvo el segundo lugar y el número "3" que obtuvo el tercero. Tabla 1 Lugar ocupado por los grupos en las diferentes mediciones 1Oitaio M1i¼rién MiiVcrién M1iv.riénd: Uw .Irtrirma l\fura> li¡ioo Asi.<muaT<ia 3 2 Asi.<m-ciaa Tht.é,re SfSCre; 3 2 ffi:xn:iatn f\nuiickl 2 3 fumrloreOfilioo<'n 2 3 \tlumia;af;,qxnr 3 2 Biciercia~d!T(;ll15 2 3 Los resultados muestran que la motivación intrinseca generada y planeada en un grupo académico fue más capaz de lograr niveles de rendimiento mejores en la mayorla de los criterios de variable dependiente que se midieron, tal como se asumió en las hipótesis. La excepción más importante fue la puntualidad que puede suponerse es un subproducto de la implementación de la motivación intrínseca, ya que posiblemente genere relaciones personales de mucha confianza y afecto que pueden ser incompatibles con niveles de exigencia fonnalizados, como es el caso de la puntualidad. Por supuesto, se requiere de más investigación en cuanto a los efectos generales de la motivación intr[nseca. En cuanto al grupo de otivación sual y el basado en el refuerzo, puede verse que el grupo de motivación de refuerzo tipico superó al de motiva- Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 95 ción usual en aquellos aspectos que implican cumplimiento '·mecánico," es decir tareas fonnales tales como asistir, ser puntual o ser voluntaria para exponer. Sin embargo, ya en los hechos, es decir cuando se tienen que cumplir realmente las tareas, el grupo de motivación usual fue más eficiente que el basado en el refuerzo tlpico, por ejemplo en el promedio de calificación, en la estabilidad de los promedios académicos y en la eficiencia de exposición de temas. Esto significa que la aplicación de contingencias mecánicas como las utilizadas en el grupo de motivación de refuerzo típico es capaz de lograr desempeños motores, pero el nivel de compromiso necesario para lograr objetivos sociales que requieren involucramiento verdadero en la tarea, no necesariamente se logra de lo mejor de esta manera. Este tipo de objetivo se logró mejor en el grupo de motivación us ual en comparación al grupo de refuerzo típico. Evidentemente, los mejores logros con respecto a esto fueron obtenidos por el grupo de motivación intrínseca. Implicaciones para la práctica comunitaria La motivación usual tiene amplios atributos positivos que permiten un rendimiento bueno. Sin embargo, los grupos manejados bajo la estrategia motivacional usual, sin una programación propositiva de la motivación intrínseca dirigida a metas, pueden lograr un mantenimiento selectivo final de pocas personas. debido posiblemente a vinculos emotivos azarosos entre la instructora y ciertas personas, tal como suele suceder de manera natural en los grupos académicos con un maestro oficial. Lo más deseable es que más personas resu hen beneficiadas por la actuación profesional, por lo cual es necesario incorporar la planeación de la motivación intrínseca dirigida a metas de una manera racional, conciente y propositiva. a fin de no dejar a los lazos emotivos circunstanciales el mantenimiento de sólo algunas personas en el grupo. Las hipótesis iniciales de este trabajo fueron parcialmente comprobadas: • • El grupo de motivación intrínseca fue más poderoso que el de motivación usual y que el de refuerzo típico. tal como se propuso inicialmente. El grupo de motivación de refuerzo típico no fue sin embargo más poderoso que el grupo de motivac ión usual, tal como se proponia en un inicio. �96 • José Guillermo Zúfliga Zárate El proceso de capacitación usual de los profesionistas en la planeación y ejecución de procesos de intervención se verla beneficiado, por tanto, si se aplicaran las siguientes consideraciones: a) Utilización de la motivación intrlnseca. b) Empleo de motivadores intrlnsecos propios de la comunidad. c) Relacionar la motivación intrínseca con el logro de metas. d) Incorporar, por tanto, un "programa motivacional" además de los programas de actividades o metas en los programas de intervención. e) Tener presente que las actividades sociales (dinámicas grupales, convivencias, etc.) no son un fin en sf, sino un medio para lograr ciertas metas grupales o académicas. f) Utilizar la motivación intrínseca para el logro de metas no solo para el logro académico, sino como parte de una mayor realización personal y profesional de los profesionistas. La responsabilidad del poblador y su autodete1T11inación siguen siendo la piedra angular del proceso de intervención en trabajo social corno lo afirman Compton y Galaway ( 1989). Lo que se desprende de este estudio es que los profesionistas debieran utilizar la motivación intrínseca a fin de que las metas decididas por los propios pobladores o integrantes del grupo se logren más rápidamente y más eficientemente, principalmente en intervenciones grupales o comunitarias. Después de todo uno de los principales roles de un profesionista es hacer algo que el lego no sabe hacer con la misma eficiencia. En los procesos de intervención con grupos esta tarea evidentemente involucra la utilización de estrategias motivacionales que logren resultados más satisfactorios y más rápidos que las formas naturales de persuasión y convencimiento. Es importante también la retirada gradual tanto del profesional como de sus técnicas temporales, a fin de dar lugar a un proceso de control del proceso artificial substituyéndolo por uno natural. Esta es otra tarea especifica insoslayable: el proceso de retirada sistemáticamente planeado. Una meta de este tipo puede lograrse de una mejor y más directa manera si se utilizan procesos de motivación intrínseca tal como se desprende de este estudio. Efectos sobre el nivel de participación ... 97 Referencias Ander Egg, Ezequiel ( 1982). Metodología del trabajo social, Buenos Aires, El Ateneo. Ayllon, Theodore & Nathan Azrin ( 1975). &onomia de fichas, México. Ed. • Trillas. Balsam, Peter D. y Andrew S. Bondy (1983). The negative side effects of rewards, Journal ofApplied Behavior Analysis. 16, 283-296. Bandura, Albert (1977). Social learning theory, New Jersey, Prentice Hall. Compton, 8. R .. Galaway, B. (1989). Social work processes , Belmo nt, California. Hilts. Philip J ( 1975). Modificación de la conducta, Méx ico, Logos. lrvine, A. Blair; Anthony Duncan; & Carol W. Metzler ( 1996). Benefits and barriers for volunteer leaders of a parent training (Issues in Family and Community health) Family and Community Health. Jan, V 18 n4 p20( 13). Keller, Fred S. y Emilio Ribes 1( 1973). Modificación de conducta: aplicaciones a la educación, México, Ed. Trillas. Keriinger, Fred N. ( 1984). Investigación del comportamiemo. México. Nueva Editorial lnteramericana. LeBow, Michael D. ( 1976). Approaches to modifying patient behavior, New York, Appleton Century Crofts. Mahoney, M ichael J. ( 1977) Reflections on the cognitive-learning trend in psychotherapy, American Psychologist, January, 5-13 McGuigan, F.J. (1990). Psicología experimental, México, Ed. Trillas. Naghi N., Moharnmad (1992). Metodología de la investigación, México, Ed. Limusa. Nigg, Claudio R. ; Kerry S. Coumeya & Paul A. Estabrooks ( 1997). Maintaining attendance at a fitness center: an application of the . decision balance sheet, Behavioral Medicine, Fall, v23 n3 p 130(8). Pfiftner, Linda J.; Lee A. Rosen & Susan G. O'Leary (1985). The efficacy of an all-positive approach to classroom management, J ournal of Applied Behavior Analy sis, 18, 257-261, Num 3. Rincover, Amold y Crighton D. Newsom ( 1985). The relative motivational properties of sensory and edible reinforcers in teaching autistic children,Jouma/ ofApplied Behavior Ana/ysis, 18, 234-248, Nwn 3. �98 José Guillermo Zúñlga Zárate Sharpley, Christopher F. ( 1988). Effects ofimplicit rewards on adults' moto r skill responses, Journal of Educational Psychology, 80, 244-246, No. 2. Speller, Paulo ( 1978). Análisis de la conducta, México, Ed. Trillas. Sulzer-Azaroff, B. & Roy G. Mayer (1983). Procedimientos del análisis coductual aplicados con niños y jóvenes, México, Ed. Trillas. Weinberg, Robert S. (1984). Toe relationship between extrins ic rewards and intrinsic motivation in spon, Psychological foundations of sport, John M. Silva, et. al. (compiladores), Champaign, Human Kinetics Publishers !ne. Acculturation and client satisfaction in a sample of Puerto Rican mental health patients: A pilot study Israel Colón' and Carmen Ortiz' Abstract This study was designed to evaluate the re lationship between acculturatio n and client satisfaction among Puerto Ricans. Outpatients of a community mental health ce nter in Philadelphia were surveyed. English and Spanish versions of the survey instrument were otfert:d to participants. Of the 6 7 Latino participants, 65 (97%) were Puerto Rican. Acculturation was re lated to exposure to the host culture. e.g .. whae they we re boro. rean:d. and went to school. Client satisfaction of the services recei ved was related to highest school grade completed and number of mino r children in the home Client satisfaction was also pos it1vely re lated to accuhuration. The impo rtanci: o f taking acculturation into account in studying Puerto Rican mental health outpatients is evaluated Resumen Este estudio fue diseñado para evaluar la rdación entre la aculturación ) la satisfacción cl ientelar entre Portoriqueños. El sondeo se hizo con pacie nte~ externos de un centro de salud mental de Fi ladel fia. Se ofrecieron a lns participantes versiones de l instrumento e n inglés y en español. De los 6 7 participantes latinos, 65 (97%) eran Po rtorique i\os. La aculturación se re lacionó con la expos ición a la cultura anfitriona. v. gr., dondt: nacieron. se criaro n y fueron a la escuela. La satisfacción de los clientes respecto de los servic ios recibidos se relacionó con mayo res niveles de escolaridad y con e l número de hijos menores en el hogar. La satisfacc ión clit:ntelar tambié n se relacionó positivamente con la aculturación. Se hace una evaluación sobre la impo rtancia de considerar la aculturación en el estudio de la salud mental de los pacientes externos Portoriquet'los. 1 Associate Professor, School of Social Admin1s1ration. Temple University 2 School of Social Administration, Temple Univcrsity �100 Israel Colón and Carmen Ortiz lotroductioo Client satisfaction data are critica) components of program evaluation and. in tum, effectively delivering services. Where the agency's population is comprised rnainly of Puerto Ricans, the administrator and staff are faced with the added complications of language and other cultural barriers to program planning, service delivery, and service utilization. Under utilization ofhuman services by Latinos has long been a recognized problem (Delgado, 1981 ; Gottesfeld, 1995). Numerous re~uests for proposals from the federal govemment have focu~ed on th1s ~roblem. The reasons for underutilization ofhuman serv1ces by Latinos are complex and varied by situation. For example, it ~as fo_und th~t the lack ofmedical insurance among minority groups, mcludmg Latinos. has been identified as a barrier to the uti lization of medica! services (Louis Harris and Associates, 1995). The lack ofmedical insurance did not fully explain dissatisfaction with medica) sen1ices. In the same survey, those Latinos who did have medica) insurance felt they had less choice as to where to obtain health services and they were less satisfied than whites. Across human services, client satisfaction surveys may provide one key to reaching Latinos and at th~ same time delivering programmatic data for staff. One can hypothes1ze that o~er factors such as child care, farnily support and encouragement ofse!Vlce utilization may also be critica! factoni. The present study examines the relationship between client satisfaction and acculturation among Puerto Ricans using mental health outpatient services The findings presented here are a stepping stone for larger scale, systematic studies of providing services to Puerto Ricans. Background Clienl Satisfaction Across Populations. Client satisfaction in the human services has been fairly well studied. It is frequently th~ main focus ofprogram evaluation studies (Heath, Hultberg, Ramey, & Ries, 1984; Lebow, 1982; Royse, 1985). ln a study of college students receiving treatrnent at a clinical psychology training center, Moore and Kenning (1996) found client satisfaction to be higher for thos~ who completed treatment and as well as for those who remained in treatment longer. Attkisson and Zwick ( 1982) found client satisfaction to be positively related to the outcome ofmental health treatment, i.e., they found a negative correlation between client satisfaction and the Acculturation ami client satisfaction in a samp/e... 101 change in a client checklist of symptoms. Yet, in another study of mental health patients, client satisfaction was found to be distinct from problem severity; a factor analysis found global satisfaction items and problems severity items loaded on independent factors (Damkot, Pandiani, & Gordon, 1983). Patients receiving mental health services reported a strong correlation between their perception ofthe ther apist's empathy and overall satisfaction (Mitchell, 1998). In a sarnple of outpatient mental health clients, Larsen et al. (1979) found non-wbites to be less satisfied than whites, those employed to be more satisfied than those unemployed, and those who were still in treatment to be more satisfied than those who left treatment. Client Satisfaction and latinos. In a study of Chicano clients at two ~ommunity mental health centers, it was found that client satisfaction was correlated with severa! behaviors of service providers (Gomez, Zurcher, Farris, & Becker, 1985). These behaviors included supporting clients strengths, seeking inforrnation on events between sessions, and askingclients for a review oflearning. In a study of Puerto Rican el ients, Schwarz ( 1990) found no difference in satisfaction with psychotherapy between those who were shown a pre-therapy training videotape and those who were not shown the videotape. A study that evaluated both acculturation and client satisfaction among Mexican-Americans was limited to vocational rehabilitation services provided to disabled clients (Smart, 1993). Smart found an inverse relationship between these variables, i.e., less acculturated clients were more satisfied with the se1vices received. Client Satisfaction Benchmark. An important consideration when interpretíng client satisfaction studies is a general positive bias in responses. Lebow ( 1982) found that in the 26 studies reviewed, threequarters had satisfaction rates in excess of 70%. Rocheleau and Mackesy ( 1980) suggest that as a benchmark, 70 to 75% ofthe responses should be positive before concluding that program participants are satisfied with a program. This high bias in positive client satisfaction can be explained by a natural weeding process; dissatisfied clients • tend not to remain in a program (Royse & Thyer, 1996). Central to the present study is the finding by Larsen et al. ( 1979) that in a sample ofoutpatient mental health clients, client satisfaction was positively related to remaining in treatment. By asking if acculturation intluences client satisfaction we are extending Larsen et al. and proposing the following model for Puerto Ricans and other Latinos: �102 Israel Colón and Carmen Ortiz acculturation -+ client satisfaction -+ remaining in treatment In this regard, Woodward et al. (1992) report that among Latinos, cultural factors act as barriers and result in lower utiliz.ation rates of mental health services. They identify language, provider insensitivity and systematic prejudices in treatment as barriers to utiliz.ation of services. What they describe in part describes low levels of acculturation. Thus, we can anticípate a positive relationship between acculturation and client satisfaction. Method The Selling. A large mental health agency serving a predominantly Puerto Rican community in Philadelphia was selected. A distinguishing feature ofthe agency is that ali its personnel are bilingual and a portion ofthem is also bi-cultural. The use of a single, Latino oriented agency was selected intentionally. This decision allowed for the control of factors which are very difficult to measure and adjust for, e.g., Latino versus Anglo agencies and interagency statf differences. The agency otfers an array of outpatient services using traditional models of delivery (individual, group, family and addictions). Nontraditional models of service, such as folk medicine and spiritual healers, were not used by this agency. Data Col/eclion. Over a one week period, a bilingual/bi-cultural graduate social work student approached clients who were waiting for their regular appointrnent. No one refused to participate in the study, although severa) who could not participate at the moment retumed ata later date. Respondents were offered the option to fi)I• out the questionnaire themselves or be interviewed by the graduate student. Respondents were also given the option to fill out the questionnaire in either English or Spanish. About half the sample choose to be interviewed and the same proportion chose the Spanish version. lnslrument. A questionnaire was developed which included demographics and a series of items relating to where respondents were reared and where they went to school. Where for birthplace related to continental United States, Puerto Rico, or elsewhere. For the variable, where they were reared, an additional category was added -both the US and Puerto Rico- since many Puerto Ricans move back and forth. Acculturation and client satisfaction scales were also included on the questionnaire. Acculturation and client satisfaction in a sample... 103 A four-item acculturation scale developed by Markides et al. ( 1988) was used. On this scale subjects are asked what language they used for the following: television viewing, language of radio programs listened to, language used with one's spouse or significant other, and language spoken with one's friends. For each ítem, they were scored as follows: one, for Spanish only; two. for mostly Spanish; three, for Spanish and English equally; four, for mostly English; and five, for English only. Thus, total scale seores ranged from four (Spanish only) to 20 (English only). The scale has an interna! reliability coefficient (alpha) of.74. To measure client satisfaction, the Client Satisfaction Questionnaire developed by Larsen et al. ( 1979) was used. This widely used scale measures global level of satisfaction with services. lt is comprised of eight items, each one answered on a four-point rating that matched the nature ofthe item. Typical iterns included. If a friend were in need ofsimilar help. would you recommend our program to hirn/her') and lf you were to seek he lp again. would you come back to our program'.' Total seores on the scale can range frorn eight to 32 and 1b alpha coefficient is .93 . Two versions ofthe instrument \\ere made available to respondent:to choose from, an English anda Spanish version. The Spanish vers1on was developed by translating the English version mto Spani h h, one person and then translated back into English by another perso~ Comparisons were then made to the original English version to ensure that it was comparable. This "double translation'' technique is a w1dely used strategy that insures the equivalency of the contcnt betv.een the two versions of the instrument ( Marin & Marin, 1991 ). Findings The original sample was made up of 79 respondents of whom 6 7 (84.8%) were Latino. Since the focus ofthis study is on Latinos, the non-Latinos were used only for a comparison of client satisfaction and were then precluded from subsequen1 analyses. No significant difference was found between Latinos and non-Latinos with regard to client satisfaction (t = 1.02, df= 77, p = .309). The Latino sub sample was made up of 43 females (64.2%) and 24 males (35.8%). This represents a ratio of females to males of 1.8 : l . The modal category for age is 41 years or older (44.8%). Except for two respondents who were from Central America. ali were Puerto �Israel Colón arui Carmen Ort1z 104 Rican. Toe majority was bom (83.6%) and reared (59.7 %) in Puerto Rico. The modal category for marital status is Married (38.8%), although those who were never married represent a sizable percent, 28.4%. The number ofminor children residing in the home is bimodal with categories of zero and two each having 29.9%. Table I provides a summary ofthe demographic characteristics. Table 1 Demographic Characteristics of Hipanic sample VARIABLE PERCENT (n - 67) Age 18 25 26 - 3 1 32 -to 41 or older Gender 13 4 179 23.9 44.8 Female Male Marital Status Married Divorced Never Married Widowed Separated Birthplace Puerto Rico Mainland US Elsewhere Where Raised Puerto Rico Mainland US Mainland US & Puerto Rico Elsewhere 64 2 35 8 38.8 10.4 28.4 4.5 17.9 83 6 13.4 3.0 59.7 22.4 9.0 9.0 The seores on the acculturation index ranged frorn four to 18 with a mean of9.89 (SD = 4.09). Ifthe mean is divided by four, since there were four items in the index, the resulting value can be interpreted in terms of the original itern scale. The mean can then be said to corresponds to mostly Spanish for their television viewing, speaking to friends, etc. Toe relationships between acculturation and the demographic variables are found in Table 2 . Not surprisingly, those bom in the continental US reared in the continental US or who had attended school on the mainland had higher acculturation seores than their counterparts from Puerto Rico or elsewhere. Those who attended school in both the US Acculluration and client satisfac11onin a sample. 105 and Puerto Rico were significantly more acculturated than their island counterparts (p = .007). Acculturation was inversely related to age, i.e., younger respondents were more acculturated than older ones. Education, as measured by the highest grade completed in school, was positively related to acculturation (r = .479, df = 65, p = .002). Table2 Relationship between demographics and acculturation Variable Gender Rcligion Marital Status B1rthplace .Where Raised Where Schooled Age l lighes1 Grade 1/Mmor Children Statistic t = 22 F = 49 F = 2 34 F = 8 46 F = 10 7 1 F = 14 81 r = - 388 r = 479 r = 162 DF 65 2/64 4/62 2/64 3/63 3/63 65 65 65 Probability .83 62 06 001 0001 0001 001 002 191 C lient satisfaction was very positive, with seores ranging from 17 to 32. The mean, 27.2 (SO = 3.65), is located very close to the upper limit of the scale. Because of' this concentration in the upper end of the scale. decidedly negative skew, the variable was transformed by means of its squared value. This was done to meet the assurnption of parametric statistics that the variable is normally distributed in the population. The transformed variable (mean = 754.3, SO = 189.5) has an improved skewness coefficient of -.445 compared to the original value of-.755. The re lationships between c lient satisfaction and the demographic variables are found in Table 3. Only age, highest grade completed and number of minor children in the home were stgnificantly related to client satisfaction. C lient satisfaction was inversely related to age and positively related to both highest grade completed and number of minor children in the home. Since the bivariate relationship between client satisfaction and certain variables ( age, highest grade completed, and nurnber ofminor children in the home) may be mediated by acculturation, partial correlation analyses were performed. When acculturation is statistically controlled. the re lationship between client satisfaction and age disappears (rxy.z "" -.154, df= 64, p = .217). The statistically significant relationship �106 Israel Colón and Carmen Ortiz for client satisfaction and highest grade completed is maintained (rxy.z = .251, df = 64, p = .02 J ). The sarne was true for the relationship between client satisfaction and number ofminor children in the home (~.z= .245, df= 64, p = .047). Table3 Relationship Between Demographics and Client Satisfaction Variable Gender Religion Marital Status Birthplace Where Raised Where Schooled Age 1-fighest Grade #Minor Children Statistic t= .72 F = .77 F = .24 F = .89 F = .25 F = 1.69 r = -.27 r = .368 r = .313 DF 65 2/64 4/62 2/64 3/63 3/63 65 65 65 Probability .47 .47 .91 .41 .18 . 18 .027 .002 .01 The central focus ofthis study, the relationship between acculturation and client satisfaction, was confinned. A moderate, positive relationship was found between these variables ( r = .313, df= 65. p = .0095). Discussion In survey fonn, the present pilot study examined acculturation and client satisfaction in a sample of predominantly Puerto Rican clients attending a community mental health center. Given the limited size and scope ofthe sample, these findings are, of course. tentative. The positive relationship between acculturation and client satisfaction is consistent with the literature, i.e., cultural differences between clients and service providers act as a barrier to accessing those services. The findings are sufficiently intriguing to warrant further investigation and reconfinnation. In particular, the study needs to be replicated across a number of agencies and include a wider range of Latino groups in addition to Puerto Ricans. Also, the examination of ali three variables (accultw-ation, client satisfaction and retention) needs to be evaluated with a single sample. The reader is reminded that the finding of a relationship between client satisfaction and program retention is from another study. Acculturation and client satisfaction in a samp/e... 107 From the pattem of other variables in this study, acculturation appears to be related to exposure to US culture by means ofbirthplace, where they were reared and where they attended school. Age was inversely related to acculturation which suggests, on the one hand, that younger populations are more affiliated with the US schools and culture. On the other hand, older respondents are more attached to their homeland and were more likely to have been bom in their homeland. The relationship between acculturation and age should not be interpreted to mean Puerto Ricans become less acculturated as they age. lnstead, it retlects the historical experience of migration. In other words, for families that migrate, older members tend to hold onto their original culture while the younger members try to acquire the new culture . The central purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between acculturation and client satisfaction. A moderate posit1ve relationship was found between these variables. lt should be noted that this finding stands in contradiction to Smarts ( 1993) findi ng of a negative relationship. The differences in the present sample and Smarts are noteworthy. Smarts sample was comprised ofMexican-Americans. whereas the present sample was 97% Puerto Ri can. In spite of its euphemistic status as a commonwealth, Puerto Rico's relationship with the US is essentially that ofa colony. Thus. Puerto Ricans travel freely between their mother lsland and the US. A result of th is is that a portion of the present sample was reared and attended school in both the US and Puerto Rico. A second difference between the sample:, is that Smarts participants were ali physically disabled (orthopedic. hearing, visual. etc.). Larsen et al. ( 1979) found no relationship between age and client satisfaction in a non-Latino sample. In the present study, a significant negative relationship was found. However, when acculturation was statistically controlled, the relationship between client satisfacti0n and age disappeared, and we are in accord with Larson et al. In contras! to Larsen et al.. we found a pos itive relationship bet¼een client satisfaction and highest grade completed, even after statis tically controlling for acculturation. Evidently, acculturat ion is an importan! mediating variable in studies ofLatinos. At the agency level, the adrninistrator who wishes to gain greater participation by Puerto Rica.ns is faced with adilemma, do you acculturate the client or the services? Thcse two approaches to reaching �Israel Colón and Carmen Ortiz Puerto Ricans raise philosophical issues about the role and capacities of human servicc agencies. Is the role of the agency and service provider to resocialize and Americanize the client? Or, do we foster biculturalism and the acceptance of pluralism? This is essentially the controversy surrounding bilingual education. Is the aim to restructure the person or the program? Recent interest among human service agencies in developing cultural competency in staff suggests that we are leaning in the direction oftailoring programs to meet the needs of Latinos. Reíerences Ankis~"º· C C & Zwick. R. ( 1982). fhe cl1ent satisfaction questionnaire· Psychornetric properties and correlauons w1th service utilizat1on and p~) chotherapy outcornc. t:va/11ation and Program Plamúng. 5. 233-237. Darnl-.ot. D.K Pandiam. J A.. & C,ordon. L R ( 1983) Developmcnt. implernentation. and findings of a continuing client sat1sfact1on survey Cnmmunitv Mental /-lealth Joumal. 265-278 DelgaJu. M ( 1981) Using Hi~pa111c adolcscents 10 as~ess communit) net:d\ Sacra/ Casework. Decemher. 607-613. Acculturation and c/ient Sútisfactlon in a sample.. 109 Mexican Americans: A three-generation study. American Journal of Pub/ic Health, 78 (9). 1178-1181 . Mnchell, C.G., Owinell, A.O, Arons, B S. ( 1992). Barriers to mental heahh care for Hispanic Americans: A literature review and discussion. Jouma/ ofMental Health Administra/ion. 19(3 ). 224-236. Mitchell, C.U .. Dwinell, A.O, Arons. B.S ( 1998). Perceptions of empathy and client satisfaction with managed behavioral health care. Social Work 43 (5). 404-411 . Moore, K. E & Kenning, M. ( 1996). Assessing clic:nt satisfacuon in a psychology training clinic. Joumal ofMental Health Administration. 23 (2). 180-188. Roche leau. B., & Mackesey, T. ( 1980). What, consumer feedhad surveys again? Evaluation and the Health Professions. 3 (4), 405-419. Roys.:. D. ( 1985) C lient satisfaction w1th the helpmg process : A revie\\ for the pastoral counsclor. Journal of Pastoral Care, 39 ( 1). 3-11. Roys.:. D. & Thyer, B.A. ( 1996) Program Evaluallon An lntroduc/lon. 2nd Edition. Chicago. Nelson Hall. ~,omeL E .. lucker. L.A. Farris. G.E. & Becka. R.E ( 1985). A stud) of psycho;,ocial case,,ork ,,ith Chicanos. Socwl llork. 30 (6), 477-482. Schwarz. O.A. ( 1990). The effects of a Spanish pre-thcrapy oricntation videotape on Puerto Rican clients knowledge about psychotherapy, improvernent in therapy. attendance pattems and satisfaction with services. Dissertarion Abstracts lnternational, 51 (5), 26348. Gollesfeld. H. ( 1995). Conununit) context and the underuti lii.at1on ofmental health services by minont} patients Psycholog,cal Reports. 76( 1). 207-10 '-'-oodward, A M .. o,~mdell. A.D. Arons. B.S. ( 1992) Barriers to mental health care for l lispanic Amencans: A literature rc:view and discussion Journal ofMental Health Administra/Ion, 19 (3 ), 224-236. llealth. B 11 .. Hultberg. R.A., Rarne,, J.M & Ríes, C.S. ( 1984). Consumer Satisfaction: Sorne ne\\ twists to a not so old evaluation. Commumty Mental Hea/clr Journal, 20 (2), 123- 134. Larson, D .. Attkisson, C.C., Hargreaves. W., Nguyen, T. ( 1979). Assessment of client/patient satisfaction: Oeveloprnent of a general scale. Evaluation and Program P/anning, 2, 1978-207. Lebow. J.L. ( 1982). Consumer satisfaction with mental health treatment. Psychologica/ Bulle/in, 91 (2), 244-259. Louis Harris and Associates. ( 1995). Nationa/ Comparative Survey ofMinority Health Care (Publication #86). NYC: The Cornmom~ealth Fund. Mario. G., Mnrin, B.V. (1991 ). Research with /-lispanic Populations. Newbury, CA.: Sage Publications Markides. K S., Krause, N . & Mendes, C .F. (1988). Acculturation arnong �Lessons Learned in tbe Development of Human Capital J11imt C hahin ' Abstract Asan ex-migrant fannworl...er'collt:ge profo:-sor. and practitioner. 1collahoratcd with women living in the housing proJects who are attempting to develop a sustainable economic enterprise. 1e,runine the mcaning ofhuman rnpital and community by assessing th.: social capital ofwomen in public assistance and b) detenninmg ho,\ to use their assets. A result ofthis study suggcsb thJt as community practit1oners. we should build o n the strengths of our client~ and work on the weaknesscs "ith training and deH:lopmemal oppor111ni11cs Practitioners should start ata point \\here tht' com1111111it) and the c1icnh are and utilize their assets to devclop thetr strength íhe facilitative role a university profcssor plays with the communit) can providc access to resource~ to dcvelop human capital f"his stud~ descnbes the development of a Central Texas Co-op. the process used to idenul~ and implement a sustamable agriculture entcrprise. and thc lessons learned R esumen Como un ex-migrante. trab¡yador agrlcola/profosor universitario} pral"llcante. he colaborado con mujeres que viven en proyectos de habitación que están llegando a desarrollar una empresa económica autosostenible. Examino t:I significado del capital humano y de la comunidad seilalando la contribución del capital social de las mujeres en la asistencia pública y detenn mando como usar sus activos. El resultado de este estudio sugiere que como pracucantc:s comunitarios. deberírunos construir sobre las fortalezas de nuestros cliente~ y trabajar en sus debilidades ofreciendo entrenamiento y oportunidades de desarrollo. Los practicantes debemos partir del punto en el que la comunidad 1 Ass1stant Profcssor Oépartmcnt of Social Worl.. , Southwest Téxas Stat~ University �112 Jaime Cha,n los clientes se encuentran, } utilizar sus habilidades para desarrollar sus fortalezas. El papel facilitador que juega un profesor universitario con la comunidad puede proporcionar acceso a re.:ursos para desarrollar el capital humano. Este estudio describe el desarrollo de una cooperati va ,entral de Texas. el proceso utilizado para identificar) poner en marcha una empresa agricola autosostenible y las leccione, que aprendimos. y 1ntroduction Alter over twenty years ofteaching, being a administrator, and therefore being somewhat removed from perceived unsolvable social problemc:, 1undertook to conceptualize and develop a sustainable economic development activity. This economic development acrivity project mvolvcd developing a training and support program for women on public assistance in housing projects of Central Texas. Accord mg to William Grace ( 1998) ofthe Center for Ethical Leadership in Seattle, Washington, when you need to resolve a socioeconomic problem. you can seek to draw resources from one ofthree wells: fhe tirc:t well 1s the economic one that .:ontains thc n:serve, and nchness of the market economy; the second 1s the go\ emment well that should represent both the fruits and the conscience of the ma.rket; and the third well is the one lcast oflen tapped- the resources ofhuman capital (Grace. 1998). W,th Grace's concepts in mind. 1decided to go back to the community and once again work to e.reate a sustainable economic development activity. The strategy used is the "assets model'' which takes mto account the strengths and assets of families and neighborhoods, rather than their deficits, as the primary building blocks for social systems (Parsons 1997). To successfully build on community strengths requires not only identifying assets, but also understanding what it takes to mobilize and coordinate those assets effectively. A workable plan requires the collective efforts of neighborhood residents and their own experiences in the community. Engaging the residents collaboratively is how the project will take hold and develop the capacity for community participants to lead and guide the implementation and developrnent ofa socioeconomic eruichment program in the community. As the enabler, I decided to visit the housing projects in San Marcos and Luling, Texas, and interacted with the people to assess their interests, strengths, and problems. There, 1 found individuals with untapped gifts, abilities, and the desire to succeed. Given the fact that the participants are placebound, successful with raising their Lessons Learned in the Developmenl o/ Human Capital 113 children, experienced with fanning and agriculture, but with limited transportation, I concluded I needed to identify specific agriculture market niches in central Texas that I could use to sustain a productive socioeconomic activity. To develop this economic initiative, we therefore decided to undertake the following objectives: • Engage Business School students in the development of a rnarket stu<ly. • Conducta market study for organic herbs and vegetables in the region. • Develop and build a technical, social, and economic support system for organic peppers and vegetable production and marketing through a Cooperative. • Develop and conducta training program for the Cooperative to develop the production of organic peppers and vegetables. The intent ofthis project is therefore to identify the rnarket; identify and engage residents from the housing authority; provide training in leadership, horticulture, and marketing; secure resources; and develop the micro-enterprise that will cultivate and sel! organic vegetables in Central Texas. To implement the project, 1used the following developmental strategies: First, the technical expertise ofthe Southwest Texas State University (S WT) Small Business lnstitute conducted marketing studies to determine the supply and demand of organic vegetables and peppers in Central Texas. Second, Social Work students and faculty assessed the needs and developed the social "support system." Third, the county government provided political support. Fourth, the County Extension Services developed a currículum; and finally, the Horticulture Department provided technical expertise. As part of both the technical, social, and economic support system, as well as the planned training program, a summer training program was provided with ten weeks of training. The horticulture training and organic farrning was conducted at the community center in San · Marcos and at the Luling Foundation in Luling, Texas. The participants also received instruction in English and Spanish six hours a week for a period often weeks. The instruction was supplemented with on-site lab experiences where they worked with vegetables and peppers that the participants and instructors planted. Participants, moreover, received a small training stipend ofsix dollars an hour. The project, in �114 Jaime Cham addition, provided childcare services for nine children while their parents were in training. A social work student worked with each individual participant conceming any specific problems that might infringe on their participation. The social work student dealt with issues involving public assistance, ac;sistance with childcare, legal referrals, and transportation. The low client ratio of the two social workers enabled them to spend time with each project participant. Recent changes in social welfare policy are demonstrating strong negative etfects on farnilies, especially those on public assistance. and thus have critica] relevance to the sustainability of communities for instance, the Federal Personal Responsibility and Work Opponunity Reconciliation Act (PRWO-RA) of 1996 abolished the guaranteed income supports for low-income farnilies, fonnerly provided by Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). lt also elirninated the Job Opportunities and Basic Skills (JOBS) training program which once provided basic education, skills training, and work opportuniti..:s to low income farnilies with children programs. These children ·s programs had previously provided emergency help to families with ch i ldren for up to one month per year. These programs were subsequently replaced by the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program but al a considerably lower level offunding (Hasenfeld 1998). íANF restricts at-risk, low income families from recei ving public assistance in the following ways: 1. Even though it does not require the state to increase the number of jobs available for low-income individuals, TANF requires every recipient to participate in work related activities within two years of receiving aid. 2. Childcare assistance is not guaranteed to parents that require it in order to participate in work or training. 3. Parents of newboms must retum to training or school within 12 weeks. 4. lrrespective ofthe availability of jobs, individuals are eligible to receive only five years of public assistance. 5. Food subsidies for the unernployed, the childless poor, and the nondisabled poor between the ages of 18 to 50 are restricted to three months in any 12 month penod. Lessons learned in the Deve/opment of Human Capital 11 5 Thus, the present social policy mandate is for individuals to be more responsible and self-reliant and for communities to be less reliant on public assistance prograrns. To achieve this mandated self-reliance, we need to develop training prograrns and family support systems that will sustain program participants and families during the development and implementation of a prograrn. The Central Texas Co-op which we created is thus an attempt to create a support system and to develop an economic activity that produces a product with market demand and financia! resources to provide livable wages. Methodology The development ofthis co-op was conceptualized and initiated under the guidance of a college professor, administrator, practitioner, and Kellogg fellow that visited La Cooperativa Mondragon in Bilbao, Spain, and the Andar Cooperativa in Costa Rica. His role as community organizer was critica! to the identification of community partners, financia! resources, and project participants res1ding in the housing projects in Luling and San Marcos, Texas The Central Texas Cooperative project was approved in th~ Fal l or 1997. An init1al step was to contact potential supporterc;, "'hich included the Comrnissioners Courts'. County Extension Agents, and the Community Action Agency of Caldwell and Hays countics. the Luling Foundation, and the horticulturt' section of the Agnculture Department of SWT. lnitial contacts foc-used ,m their shanng the objectives of the project and enhancing the potential of irnproving the quality life oftargeted mdivi<luals. These opportunities were taken to collaboratively explore ex1stent resources that cou ld complement the project and to request input and support for ident i fying potential partic1pants. This step led to the formation of a 14-member adv1s0!) comminee, which included a county judge, a county commissioner, director ofthe Community Action Agency, executive director ofCapital Area Planning Council, the county Extension agent, the housing authority director, 5tudents from WT, and commun it) representatives. The committee met periodically to receive updates on the progress ofthe project and to offer support and sugges11ons. By early spring of 1998, 30 individuals were assessed and selected tO participate in the trainmg to be offered at two project s1tes, in urban San Marcos and rural Luling Ultimatel}, 24 enrolled in the program and 21 completed the program. At rhe San Marcos site there were 11 �116 Jaime Cha1n participants. All were female, nine were Hispanic, and two were white. At the Luling site, there were I O participants, five males and five females. Ali the males were Hispanic and there were three African American, one Hispanic, and one white female. All panicipants lived in public housíng, very few were ernployed full-time, while sorne held part-time ernployrnent, and nearly ali were receiving sorne type of public assistance. The participants' reading, writing, and other academic skills were assessed, and ali were encouraged to attend adult education classes. The participants in Luling were enrolled in Adult Education and GED c lasses. Sorne took advantage ofthis opportunity at both sites. Most of the participants at San Marcos had high school degrees; one had st udied horticulture for one year at a cornmunity college. The assessment also pointed out that in order for the pa rticipants to benefit from a training program of six hours per week for ten weeks. provisions for childcare would have to be made. The trainíng program was carried out in the summer of 1998. lt was delivered in English and Spanish, and it included lectures and discuss1ons , hands-on prac tica) experiences, and visits to demonstration sites. Participants applied their production skills on three plots ata comrnunity garden ofthe Catholic Church in Luling, the SWT Horticulture farm in San Marcos, and the farm ofthe Luling Foundation in Luling. The County Extension Agent and officials of the Community Action Agency supported the project very well. e.g., the Extension agent not only supervised hands-on experiences but also arranged two field demonstration trips and helped develop the training curriculum. The training was bolstered through the participation of two outside consultants- <me an expert in pepper production, the other an expert in dehydrating peppers. Fifty local fanners participated in the training offered by the pepper production specialist. Severa! of the participants combined their training with adult basic education opportunities, and chí ldcare was provided by the Community Action agency. Licensed childcare facilities were made available by the housing authority by extending their hours of operation to accommodate the project participants, particularly for field trips requiring up to two hours of driving time. Bilingual students from SWT offered technical training and educational programs for Lessons Learned in the Development of Human Capital 117 the children under care. The entire effort was supported by a student social workers that provided key support to the participants, often referring their needs to other agencies and groups. By the involvernent of many individuals and agencies, the project responded to many needs, developed leadership among the participants, and catalyzed new relationships and initiatíves. At the end of 12 months, an assessment ofthe participants was carried out and 90% of the participants had mastered the basic horticulture curriculum. Many lessons were learned and conditions were made ready to implementan expanded pilot effort to explore various products that were not considered at the outset of the project, e.g., canning Jecorative peppers, dehydrating peppers, and growing other vegetables and herbs. Severa! particípants have acquired the necessary skílls and leadership to continue into the next phases of the cooperatíve's strategy. As a result of the individual assessrnent of project panicipants, we were able to link them to different community resources, i.e., adult education, childcare, transportation, and basic literacy training. These support resources represent the initial stages of capacity building before engaging them in a training curriculum that includes leadership, developing community awareness, understanding organíc hortículture farming (soil analysis, drip irrigation systems), marketing, and technology. The overall training program demystifies the nature of business and helps people rediscover that knowledge and skills are power. The circumstances that created their current financia! dístress have often resulted in a loss of self-esteem and self-confidence, but we leamed that the most ímportant ingredient in dcveloping selfesteem is success. Asan organizer and community practítíoner, I am aware that, in order to sustain a project beyond the initial funding, you have to work to build the autonomous capacity ofthe participants so that they will be able to guide the development ofthe project after the grant project is over. Community organizing is therefore an ongoing process of our project in order to more soundly ground the initiative in the community. lnstead of using models of organizing that rely on conrrontation, short term activities, and limited capacity-building for the participants, we developed a strategy involving the following communíty resources: the Housing Authority, the Community Action Agency, churches, �118 Jaime Chain social work students, county extension agents, county officials, and the LulingAgriculture Demonstration Foundation. Theoverall intent is to ensure the development of long tenn relationships between the co-op participants and the capacity-building resources of the community. We simultaneously also used college students and a grant from the Economic Development Administration (EDA) to conduct market studies in order to determine the supply and demand for organically grown vegetables in the irnme~i~te markets of Central Texas. Toe study also determined the trammg needs, the cost of developing and creating a food co-op, and the potent_ial source of funding and cornmunity resources needed to fully 1mplement a sustainable economic activity. The initial training took place over a three month period during the summer in San Marcos and Luling, Texas, and was scheduled to accommodate the family schedules of al! the participants. The participants had to commit to ten weeks of specific an~ ~ngoin~ training and on-site demonstrations. Moreover, econom1c mcent1ves were placed for their full participation in th~ ~rain in~ ~~ogran,s. Community agencies provided transportation, trammg fac1ltt1es,_support ser~ic_es, and volunteers to ensure the successful implementatton of the trammg program. The student social workers pro~i~ed the fam!ly support services, while bilingual agriculture techn1c1ans. extens ion agen_ts, and other experts provided their professional skills. Linka~es \~~th other community organizations were also critica! to the sustamabthl) ofthis cooperative initiative. Unlike university classrooms, in the housing authority, minoritie!> constitute the majority. Spanish and Spanglish are the participants' first languages. Also, while the majority ofthe participants attending evening training are on public assistance and have f~milies,_they are very serious aboút improving their ski lis and econom 1c cond11_1~ns. 1n addition to classes on marketing and hortic ulture, the part1c1pants also had to take a course on civic responsibility. This course involves talking about the basic rights and responsibilities ofcitizens in relat!o~ to school, their community, and their families. The struggles the part1c1pants have endured have created mistrust of public support systems and politicians, though. Our efforts to encourage hope and enh~ce higher expectations in the participants has definitely bee~ a leammg experience, an experience that has further made me cogmzant of my privileges in the university classroom. especially when compared to Lessons Learned in the Development of Human Capital 119 the limited resources at the hous ing authority's activity center. However, we should understand that the participants that live on the economic margins can also teach us hope and confirm that, as social work and cornmunity practitioners, we have to continue to testify on their behalf. The curriculum concentrated on pepper production and marketing. Participants are committed to growing peppers, peppers that can be grown in the area. However, production must be sufficient to ensure an adequate retum. Participants leamed that peppers can be prepared as salsa, jellied, dehydrated, whole canned, and canned and dried as decorative products. They also participated in severa! cost analysis exercises. For example, the participants leamed that instead of marketing fresh peppers at $ .59 per pound, for decorative purposes. they can buy ajar for $3 .00, fill it with colorful peppers that cost them $3 .00 to produce, and sell the jar for $20.00, thus making $14 .00 per Jar. They also learned that tfthey brown and dehydrate the peppers, the) can sel! them for $2.99 an ounce. lt takes eight pods to create an ounce, and the shelf Ii fe of dehydrated pepper~ 1s up to six months. Through th1~ learning process. several part1cipants emerged as leaders and are ready to move to implementing a pilot effort leading to produCllon and marketing through a cooperative. Currently, the participant~ are planting Habanero peppers in San Marcos and Luling, Texas. The participants were pre- and post-tested. The training, wh1ch covered ali aspects of pepper production and marketing, allowed the participants to gain a very good understanding of production topic~ and marketing topics Exdmples oftüpics covered are soil 1ypes. fertil1zation rates, pest identification and management, calculating production costs, and marketing strategies. Ample training materia Is wen: made available and adapted for the project. The training was felt to be effective primarily because tt was offered in both English and Span,sh by two bilingual horticulture students from SWT. The post-test revealed that 90 percent ofthe participants understood the topics and haJ gained the skills necessaf) to grow food organically and use bdsic skills o fhorticulture in a real-world sening. There.is no question that they acquired skills and built their capacity to be able to grow and produce organic peppers and other vegetable products. The collaboration this project has promoted between partner~ is one ofthe most importan! outcornes from the proJect. Forthe first time in �120 Jaime Cham the history of centra! Texas, the housing authority, the Community Action Agency, Texas Agriculture Extension Service, County Commissioners Courts, and a County Judge carne together to talk about women, public assistance, workforce issues, and how to collaboratively resolve related problems. They contributed resources and ideas that have had a tremendous impact on the potential for irnproving the quality ofthe lives ofthe participants. Both targete~ ~om~uniti~s have a critica! mass of people on public assistance and livmg m publlc housing that are either unernployed or under-ernployed . The interaction between partner institutions and individuals has focused not on ly on a critica! workforce but also prornoted a greater understanding about their respective and complementary roles in f~cilitating sharing of resources for the benefit ofthe greater cornmunity. At the sarne rime, the participants bonded so well by working together m community gardens and traveling to visit demonstration sites that they know they can solve pepper production and marketing problems. They feel that with hard work and support for childcare services from the Community Action Agency: public space donated by the housmg authority, the county judge. and other elected officials; land from the Luling Foundation; and support from city council members, they can succeed in producing and marketing peppers and other vegetables. This project is seen as the beginning of a collective effort to hamess ali available resources and support from as many agencies and groups. including a university that is playing a central catalytic role by bringing the partners together. The participation ofthe Economic Development Administration as a partner in the process merits special mention in this rep~rt. As a direct result ofthe assessment and training that builds on the1r support for the feasibility study, they have invited Caldwell County, a designated economically depressed county, to subrnit a proposal to further develop the "Central Texas Cooperative." As a result ofworking on this project, l leamed to continue to dream, to have hope, and to have patience with my fellow human beings. Empowering people to break the cycle ofpoverty is an ongoing process requiring patience, vision, resourcefulness, and the faith that the collective organized efforts ofthe comrnunity will make a difference in their lives. Providing ski lis and guidance to members at the economic margins of society requires that practitioners understand that engage- lessons leamed m the Development of Human Capital 121 ment, asset development, and com.munity organization are ongoing processes requiring vigilant and sustained support. The development ofthis sustainable economic project will definitely impact the individual participants and their families positively. To sustain the success and development of this kind of project will depend on our commitment, our marketing savvy, and our taking into account the needs ofthe people within the social context where they live. Community building is therefore critica) to providing support systems that sustain and maintain successful economic projects. Demystifying the free enterprise system is nevertheless a challenge for community practitioners trying to improve the human conditions 9f marginalized citizens. As a professor and practitioner, 1believe we should build partnerships that vitalize, as well as generate wisdom, maturity, and resources for communities. Likewise, it remains valid that we, as social workers, educators, agency representatives, and related human service providers, must let the community decide to pa11icipate in such partnerships. Adhering to this view does not mean communities should go at it alone. We, as practitioners, must partner in a way that respects the strengths and assets that exist in our community prior to our involvement. We must also understand how these community strengths have developed and increased through the struggles of daily life. Perhaps what I have leamed, too, as a Social Worker and institutional representative, is that listening to people on the margins will show you they have the integrity, the will, and the courage to improve their own lot. Human capital is developed when the obstacles that deplete the human spirit are removed. In this cooperative, socioeconomic project, we have learned unbelievable lessons from the participants who are battling incredible odds to improve their circumstances. We leamed first that if we listen to their concems and surround them with a support system ofteachers and caseworkers interested in the well-being of the participants and their children, the participants will achieve success and bond together. We also learned that no matter what the economic conditions, ifyou encourage people to plant their feet, take responsibility for their needs, and engage themselves in the training process, you will achieve greater participation. �122 Jaime Chain Lessons Learned in the Development o/ Human Capital Results A university with a well-publicized mission statement that attempts to connect higher education with community needs has tremendous convening power to create partnerships in such a way that each partner contributes from within their respective mandates, and the communities are ultimate beneficiaries. • An advisory committee that represents as many interested segments of the community is of paramoum importance to the design of the project and to carry out innovative and comprehensive initiatives. • University professors with deep interests to serve cornmunities can adapt existen! materials to make them applicable, appropriate, and effective for adults with limited education . • Teaching materials prepared in the English language can be adequately translated on-site by capable bilingual students who are familiar with the subject matter to be delivered. • Bilingual students who are technically competent and who are ofthe same ora similar culture as the participants are of extreme importance to the success of a project ofthis nature Because they are able to comrnunicate with ease, participanb not only learn more but also become more interested. Further. the students have an impact on the university itsel fas they relate their experiences to other students and professors. . * The County Extension agents are tremendous resources for this type ofproject. Not only are they technically competent but also well connected with many resources that can be hamessed. For example, the agent working with this project participated in developing training materials. conducling practica! experiences, and organizing and conducting field demonstration visits. * When partners fully understand the intent and irnportance of a project that is intended to improve the qual ity of Iives of under-served audiences. ways can always be found to overcome unanticipated obstacles, e.g., having childcare services facilitated by the housing authority. This contributed immensely to enabling a 97% retention of participants because 123 they felt that the child.rcn were secure in a protected environment and with a supportive group of people. Another example, the City ofSan Marcos offered three acres of land at no cost to the project. In Luling, the Luling Foundation anda prívate landowner are contemplating donating land for a greenhouse. • ,. _Transportation will be an obstacle for participants targeted m these types of_projects. This was a particular challenge because the two s1tes were 20 miles apart. This was an obstaele for two ofthe instructors anda social worker. Further. 11 was an e ven greater problem for the field demonstration visits to Blanco to see a cut flower operation and to Redford 10 see an interactive Tilapia fish production and a salad greens hydroponics system. However. when working with interes1ed partners, ways <:an always be found to overcome ob!>tac les - the university and the housing authority provided 1ransportation. Social workers are indi~pensable in projects of th,s ryp<' because participants usually have a wide variety of problems and issues that extend beyond the scope of projects Social workers can conduct asse~sment~ of needs and address 01he1 issues by rderring them 10 the appropnate Jgencie~ J hi~ support enablcs 1echnically hast'd proJects to focus m1)re effectively When peo~le are rec~gnized dS whok. wo11hy being~ who of nece~sit) must contrnue to ex1st outside of 1raining. they teel srrong capab le and gain the confidence 10 bond and take care ofthe1r own~needs We further leamed that it takes the collective effort ofthe communit\ 10 serve and engage a client population of parents on publtc ass,~ta~ce 1t is for ~is rea~on that we involved the Housing Authority, the Comrnuntty Act1on Agency, the Chilú Development Center tlw County _Extension Agents, the Luling Communit} Agncul;ural Foundallon: college students, and the Urnversity Agriculture farnlt) . The ~ollect1ve effort of ali these panies resulted in high attendance, bondmg, and a program completion rate of 97%. The participants have co_mpleted the trai.ning and produced recipes, raw peppers, and decorat1ve pepper bonles that are now being rnarketed in Central Texas. �124 Jaime Chain In t 999, the program initiative and the participants ofthe C. M. Allen Housing Authority and Luling have received one and a half acre of land and access to effiuent water from the C ity ofSan Marcos and the Luling Foundation. The goal for the year was to plant o~e acre of Habaneros, a pepper that has a selective market demand m ~ent~al Texas and the potential for a higher financial yield. The U01vers1ty and che county extension agent continue to provide the technical assistance and resources to sustain the program initiative and develop the ski lis of the housing residents. The lessons from last year have definitely strengthened the foundation, the skills, and "ganas" ofthe parti(:ipants. The participants that left the program during the train ing gained full-time jobs elsewhere; whereas. the one unexpected termination, a high school dropout, did not finish due to personal problems. But given her youth, perhaps the lesson _she lear~e_d_~as rhat the lack of an education limits one 's choices ofJob poss1b1ht1es. P.:rsonall y, 1 also learned the obvious, which is that participants who have a sense of excitement, an anlici pation of possibility and mystery, anda readiness to 1ake risks are much more engaged in the training. Secondly, participants that are sensitive to others and have respect for each other build quality relationships that will truly bond and last beyond the initial training program. Ultimately, the ideas that really matter do not emerge from one participant alone, but e merge from the collective experience of ali the participants. Today. welfare refonn calls for bold, new ways of worki ng with famil ies. Community organizations- including grassroots agencies, religious institutions, service c lubs, business groups, and neighborhood associat ionswi ll have to work with government agencies, schools, and employers in order to forrn networks that will lead to the realignment of existing resources based on the community's strengths and abilities. Given that small businesses collectively employ more people than any other sector ofthe economy, communities need to support small businesses and micro-enterprises that create jobs for recipients of public benefits. Given the need for childcare, education, and training, it will take the collective efforts and partnerships of government agencies, community-based organizations, and business entities willing to work with employees that need training and support systems. The development ofhwnan capital is therefore critical to the job prospects, income, as well as the self-esteem and spirit of marginalized citizens in a global economy. Lessons Learned in the Development ofHuman Capital 125 The growing inequalities in the distribution ofwealth and eamings pose a dangerous isolation between inner cities and rural communities and the rest ofurban America. The growing demographic divide among the rich and poor in our communities will create polarization and marginalize our citizens in poverty pockets. Thus, state and federal policies need to develop policy interventions ínvolving employment and training initiatives that involve our citizens and are congruent with market demands. We also need to realize that it takes multiple partners in a community to launch an individual into a productive society. References Grace, W. ( 1998). Drawing from the "Third Well". /nternationa/Journa/: 4. Hasenfeld, Yeheskel (1998). Welfare Refonn and Social Services: Myth and Reality. The University o/Michigan School ofSocial Work: 8-20. Parsons, B. (1997). Seeing Families and Neighborhoods with New Eyes: Developing an Asset Perspective. Journal o/Socio/ogy and Social We/fare: 69. Peirce, N. & Johnson, C. (1997). Boundary Crossers. College Parle Academy ofLeadership. Williams, A. (1997). Focus on Whole Family Makes Welfare-to-Work Succeed. Family Support and Community &onomic Development: 35-36. ���� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Perspectivas Sociales = social perspectives Description An account of the resource Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Facultad de Trabajo Social, publicada en la década de los noventa. Editada por Emma Adame W., Luis Leñero O, Ma. Del Carmen Elú, Víctor Zúñiga y Rodolfo Garza. Contiene artículos de investigación científica sobre educación, trabajo social, ciencias sociales, psicología, etcétera. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. 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