https://hemerotecadigital.uanl.mx/files/original/337/14324/PERSPECTIVAS_SOCIALES._2004._Vol._6._No._1-2._0002016258.ocr.pdf 943e8f3a63ee45808697ebb9076de13c PDF Text Text ���Perspectivas Sociales - Social Perspectives Vol. 6, nos. 1 y 2 primavera-otoño de/ spring-fall 2004 PONDO Publicación semestral de/ Biannual publication ofthe: ~lVERSITA Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, México (lng. José Antonio González Treviño, Rector; MTS. Luz Amparo Silva, Directora de la Facultad de Trabajo Social); University ofTexas at Austin, E.E.U.U. (Dr. Larry R. Faulkner, President; Dr. Barbara W. White, Dean School of Social Work) University ofTexas at Arlington, E.E.U.U. (Dr. Robert Witt, President; Dr. Santos H. Hemández, Dean School of Social Work), Our Lady of the Lake University (Tessa Pollack, Presiden!; Deneece Ferrales, Dean Worden School ofSocial Service) Editores /Editors México: Veronika Sieglin (coord.) y Maria Elena Ramos Tovar; Estados Unidos/USA - Austin: Lori Holleran y Dennis Poole Estados Unidos/USA - Arlington: Héctor Luis Díaz Estados Unidos/USA - San Antonio - Cora Le-Doux Comité Editorial / Editorial Board Claudia Campillo Toledano (UANL, México), Héctor Luis Díaz (UT Arlington, E.E.U.U.), Guillermina Garza Treviño (UANL, México), Dennis T. Haynes (UT Austin, E.E.U.U.), Lori Holleran (UT Austin, E.E.U.U.), Cora Le-Doux (Our Lady ofthe Lake University), Raúl Eduardo López Estrada (UANL, México), María Elena Ramos Tovar (UANL, México), Manuel Ribeiro Ferreira (UANL, México), Veronika Sieglin (UANL, México), José Guillermo Zúñiga (UANL, México) Comité Científico / Scientific Committee Socorro Arzaluz (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, México), April Brayfield (Tulane University), Krista Brumley (]TESM), Ni Isa Burgos (Universidad de Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico), Camilo Contreras (El Colegio de la Frontera orte, México), Miguel Ferguson (UT Austin), Victor García Toro (Universidad de Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico), Nirmal Goswami, (TexasA&M University-K.ingsville), Dagmar Guardiola (Universidad de Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico). Sara Gordon Rapoport (UNAM, México), Emilio Hernández Gómez (Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, México), María de la LuzJaviedes Romero (UNAM, México), Christina Krause(Universidad de Gottiogen,Alemania), Gisela Landázurri Benítez (UAM, México), Benito Narváez Tijerina (UANL, México), Gabricla de L. Pedroza Villarreal (ITESM, México), Cecilia Quaas Fernández (Universidad de Valparaíso, Chile), Flavio Sacco dos Anjos, (Universidad Federal de Pelotas, Brasil), Verónica Vázquez García (Colegio de Posgraduados, México), María Zebadúa (UANL, México) Comité de redacción José Luis Berlanga (UANL, México) Coordinadora de difusión y distribución Maria Elena Ramos Tovar (UANL, México): distribución comercial y académica Claudia Campillo Toledano (UANL. México): distribución académica Publicación semestral/semestral publication: correo electrónico/email: vsieglin@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx; vsieglin@hotmail.com; lorikay@mail.utexas.edu; mramor@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx www.fts.uanl.mx\revista.html ISSN: 1405- I 133 Impreso en /Printed in Monterrey, Nuevo León, México Otoño de 2004 / faU 2004 Tiraje /issue: 1500 Los artículos publicados son responsabilidad exclusiva de los autores / Toe articles publisbed in this journal are solely the responsability of the authors �3 Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspec1ives Joumal primavera-0toño / springfa/1 2(}(),f, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / INDICE DE CONTENIDO - TABLE OF CONTENTS Presentación - Presentation 5 ENSAYOS - ESSAYS Trabajo Social y Filosofia de la Praxis Johann W Brandner 13 Las políticas fox.istas de combate a la pobreza en México Claudia Campillo Toledano 23 INNOVACIONES DE LA PRÁCTICA- PRAXIS INNOVATIONS A Creative Response to a Growing Need: Toe Support for Future Hispanic Professionals Initiative Rodney A. E/lis and Sandra Gonzalez 41 ARTICULOS DE INVESTIGACIÓN - RESEARCH ARTICLES Culturally Relevant Social Work Services For Latinas lnfected or Affected With HIV/ AlDS Yolanda Rodriguez-Escobar,Elizabeth C. Pomeroy, Lori K. Hol/eran, LaTonya Noel 63 Assessing the Social Service Needs of an Emerging Population of 83 Recent Mexican lmrnigrants Living with, or at risk for, HIV/AIDS Samuel A. MacMaster, Suzanne Shati/a and Lori K. Holleran Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search of a Theoretical Model Héctor Luis Díaz 97 From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women Wendy Sel/ers Campbell 123 �Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño/ springfa/1 2004, Vol. 6, Num. 1y 2 / Image of the Indian in Mexico's Indigenous Free Textbooks Jleana Schmidt-Díaz de León 143 Desarrollo urbano, fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales en Hermosillo, Sonora Rebeca Moreno Zúñiga 169 Redefining Politics, Participation, and Citizenship: Non-Governmental Organizations in Monterrey Krista M Brumley 189 APUNTES ONTOLÓGICOS, EPISTEMOLÓGICOS Y METODOLÓGICOS - ONTOLOGICAL, EPISTEMOLOGICAL ANO METHODOLOGICAL NOTES Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocaciónal Christina Krause EVENTOSFUTUROS-UPCOMINGEVENTS CONVOCATORIA-CALLFORPAPER 227 5 Presentación / Presentation El presente número de Perspectivas Sociales/Social Perspectives gira en tomo a tres grandes temas: los problemas de salud de la población hispana en los Estados Unidos; las migraciones internacionales o regionales y su impacto en el paisaje social así como la relación entre políticas identitarias y ciertos fenómenos sociales. Una de las grandes preocupaciones sociales en Estados Unidos constituye la expansión del VIH/SIDA. Esta infección afecta de forma desproporcionada a las minorías étnicas de este país que representan el 31 % de la población y el 68% de los nuevos casos de personas infectadas. En su estudio intitulado "Culturally relevant social work services for Latinas infected and affected with HIV/AIDS" Yolanda RodriguezEscobar, Elizabeth C. Pomeroy, Lori K. Holleran y LaTonya Noel analizan la situación de mujeres latinas quienes corren un riesgo seis veces mayor que las anglosajonas a contraer la infección. Resulta especialmente alarmante que las latinas infectadas y/o enfermas tienen menores expectativas de vida que los hombres que se encuentran en la misma condición epidemiológica. Esto se debe a las mayores dificultades de las mujeres para acceder a servicios médicos adecuados. Por ello a menudo su enfennedad es diagnosticada en una etapa de desarrollo más avanzada lo que disminuye el éxito de las intervenciones terapéuticas. Además, las mujeres participan en menor grado en estudios clínicos, situación que repercute negativamente en el desarrollo de medicamentos que se adecuen mejor al organismo femenino. Sobre esta base las autoras desarrollan una serie de propuestas para mejorar la atención a mujeres infectadas de VIH/SIDA. La atención médica, social y psicológica a los infectados y enfermos de SIDA es fundamental para poder mejorar sus condiciones de vida e incrementar sus posibilidades de supervivencia. Ello representa un gran reto para la política social ya que la planeación de programas �6 / Presentación / Presenta/ion eficaces y la asignación de recursos requieren un conocimiento profundo de las necesidades de los individuos afectados. Con frecuencia los planificadores sociales no cuentan con bases de datos confiables. Mucha información disponible es parcial ya que se excluyen por cuestiones metodológicas a grupos sociales enteros de las encuestas y sondeos de opinión. Se trata sobre todo de aquellas personas que no tienen contacto con instituciones de servicio social, que viven en la calle y/o que están excluidas de servicios médicos. Para mejorar la planeación social, Samuel MacMaster, Suzanne Shatila y Lori Holleran presentan en el siguiente artículo un nuevo modelo de evaluación de necesidades que combina el análisis de bases de dat• s existentes con información recopilada a través de grupos focales y encuestas realizadas a prestadores de servicios sociales. Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera--0toño I springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. Jy 2 / 7 dado los resultados esperados. Por tal razón los autores desarrollaron e implementaron un modelo que apunta a la formación académica de profesionales latinos. Mediante un sistema de becas se intentó atraer un mayor número de estudiantes latinos a las universidades. Los becarios retribuyen el apoyo financiero percibido participando en actividades de servicio social a beneficio de la población hispana en su localidad; y colaborando en investigaciones académicas en torno a problemas sociales de grupos hispanos. A pesar de los intentos por frenar la inmigración latinoamericana a Estados Unidos, el flujo migratorio ha observado pocos cambios. Se estima que el número de indocumentados latinoamericanos en este país asciende en la actualidad a cerca de 1O millones de personas; la mitad de ellos son mexicanos. En su estudio "From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study of Undocumented Women", Wendy Sellers analiza los problemas de mujeres mexicanas que se introdujeron ilegalmente al país vecino. Según la autora, las indocumentadas se encuentran bajo una presión mucho mayor que los varones ya que no sólo tienen que resolver sus propios problemas de adaptación a una sociedad diferente cuya cultura y lengua desconocen, sino también los de su familia. Las mujeres se encargan de organizar un nuevo hogar para sus familias, intentan de insertar a sus hijos al sistema educativo y de encontrar un trabajo remunerado para ellas mismas al tiempo tt_ue desarrollan una serie de iniciativas para acelerar su adaptación al nuevo entorno cultural. La drogadicción y sus consecuencias de salud representan otro gran desafio para las sociedades modernas. En los Estados Unidos la población latina - en particular, los Puertorriqueños y México-Americanos - demuestra mayores índices de alcoholismo que la población en general. Ello ha motivado una serie tie estudios sociales para conocer de cerca los factores de riesgo. Algun• s investigadores han argumentado un elevado nivel de estrés asociado a problemas de aculturación y discriminación racial así como la presencia de ciertos valores culturales en torno a la masculinidad como factores que favorecen el alcoholismo en este sector étnico; en cambio, otros investigadores separan los factores de riesgo de la condición étnica y favorecen más bien estudios en torno a ciertas variables sociales. La investigación conducida por Héctor Luis Díaz pretende poner a prueba los tres modelos explicativos más comunes en tomo al alcoholismo en la población puertorriqueña. El tercer bloque temático gira en torno a fenómenos identitarios Yla construcción de significados dentro de contextos culturales específicos. La migración constituye un tema de suma importancia tanto para los Estados Unidos como para México. En una nueva sección de nuestra revista intitulada 'Innovaciones de la Práctica - Praxis Innovations' la cual fue creada para la presentación de modelos de intervención social novedosos, Rodney Ellis y Sandra González se ocupan del rápido crecimiento de la población Latina en Estados Unidos y la creciente necesidad de Las instituciones médicas y de servicios sociales de contar con profesionales biculturales y bilingües. Las estrategias tradicionales para incrementar el número de profesionales biculturales no han El tema de las políticas identitarias domina también el trabajo de Ileana Schmidt-Díaz de León sobre el imaginario en tomo a los grupos indígenas que circula en los libros de texto gratuitos utilizados por el sistema educativo in México. Si bien estos libros se insertan en el discurso nacionalista dominado por los intereses de los grupos mestizos, los textos representan, por otra parte, la visión de intelectuales indígenas acerca de sus comunidades y su cultura étnica. En ellos la modernidad no se opone a las fonnas tradicionales de organización comunal, a las relaciones y estructuras familiares y/o a los valores fundamentales de �8 / Presentación / Presenta/ion los indígenas. Sin embargo, resulta llamativo que los textos relacionan de modo insistente la condición étnica a la pobreza que se convierte en un rasgo esencial de los grupos indígenas. Esta relación tiene por consecuencia que el cuestionamiento de la pobreza que está presente sin lugar a dudas en las comunidades indígenas, se convierte en un peligro para la condición étnica misma. Estos discursos son por lo tanto esencialmente conservadores ya que dificultan el cuestionamiento del estatus quo y parecen endulzar la pobreza impuesta injustamente por la sociedad mestiza al convertirla discursivamente en una especie de 'patrimonio cultural' de los pueblos indígenas. El trabajo presentado por Rebeca Moreno Zúñiga retoma el tema de la cultura de migrantes rurales en contextos de vida modernos. Haciendo uso del concepto de habitus propuesto por Bourdieu, la autora analiza la demanda de migrantes y descendientes de migrantes rurales que se han logrado integrar en condiciones muy favorables a la economía urbana. A pesar de sus éxitos económicos, estos migrantes intentan escapar al estrés cotidiano de la urbe construyéndose un refugio nostálgico en uno de los fraccionamientos campestres que han surgido alrededor de todas las ciudades mexicanas. En estos lugares los individuos creen poder escapar del ruido, la contaminación, la prisa y la constante presión social a los que se encuentran expuestos en la urbe. El artículo demuestra claramente cémo un discurso nostálgico y hasta crítico hacia la modernidad garantiza la reproducción de la vida urbana con todos sus vicios. Revista Per.;pectivas Sociales I Social Per.;pectives Journal primavera-otoño/ springfa/1 2004, Vol. 6, Num. ¡ y 2 ¡ 9 de reflexión sobre los retos y el futuro del trabajo social. Dicha sección se abre en esta ocasión con una crítica de Johann Brandner a las fonnas hegemónicas del trabajo social que lejos de contribuir a la solución de los_Problemas sociales - un compromiso fundamental del trabajo social - henden a bloquear su superación. Según el autor, esta contradicción entre la pretensión idealista y la praxis del trabajo social surge de la resistencia ampliamente difundida entre los trabajadores sociales por pensar la función política e ideológica del trabajo social en la sociedad c~pi~lista. Al quedarse atrapada en la ideología burguesa, el trabajo social pierde su capacidad para habilitar a los grupos sociales e individuos a emanciparse de su condición social desfavorable. Sobre esta base Brandner propone repensar la práctica del trabajo social con ayuda de la teoría de Gramsci retomando como punto de inicio sus reflexiones sobre el sano núcleo del sentido común. El ensayo de Claudia Campillo Toledano representa una crítica de 1~ política de combate contra la pobreza adoptada por el gobierno mexicano en el 2000. A pesar de que la administración Foxista reitera incansablemente los éxitos de sus programas sociales, la autora no sólo se muestra escéptica sino declara incluso el fracaso de los mismos. La inoperancia de muchos programas es explicada por la prevalencia de un enfoque paternalista, por un lado, y autoritario, por el otro, que limita la participación ciudadana a la implementación de los programas mientras que reserva la definición y el diseño de las políticas sociales a las instancias gubernamentales. El último estudio dentro de la sección de investigación es presentado por Krista Brumley quien analiza el impacto de las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales en la democratización de la vida política en México. Mediante un estudio de caso llevado a cabo en Monterrey, la autora argumenta que la formación de ONG's no sólo expresa un genuino interés de la sociedad civil por participar de forma activa en la toma de decisiones que tradicionalmente eran asunto exclusivo de las instituciones gubernamentales y de los partidos políticos sino que contribuyeron, además, a una redefinición de la ciudadanía y de los derechos ciudadanos que han fortalecido el proceso de democratización en México. En la sección de apuntes ontológicos y metodológicos presentamos ~n trabajo de Christina Krause ~ue puede ser de mucho interés para estudiantes de las ciencias sociales que pretenden profundizar su formación en el campo de la investigación. Mediante ejemplos de un estudio empírico concreto realizado en el campo de la orientación vocacional la autora explica la conveniencia de integrar a las investigaciones de c~rte cuantitativo algunas preguntas abiertas y enseña cómo categorizar las resr~estas obtenidas, cómo deducir las categorías del modelo teórico y que ttpo de relaciones deben de guardar las categorías entre sí. Al igual que en los números anteriores, incluirnos un espacio Veronika Sieglin Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León �ENSAYOS - ESSAYS �Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera--0toñlJ / springfa/1 2004, 101. 6, Num. I y 2 / 13 Trabajo Social y Filosofia de la Praxis* Johann W. Brandner** Abstract Gramsci's concept of "common sense" is used to analyze the predominant fonns of social work. Toe hegemonic ways of social intervention are characterized by conformism and a reduced disposition to question the fundamental contradictions existing within modern societies. On this base the author attempts to redefine social work by the help of two central elements of Antonio Gramsci's theory: (a) bis notion of the "coherence of everyday thinking" and bis suggestion to take the "sane nuke of common sense" as a starting point for social work; (b) Gramsci 's analysis of the "catharsis" wbich is identified as a possibility for subaltem social groups to develop novel initiatives and as a "transition from the merely economic (or passionate egoistic) impulse to the etbical-political impulse". Resumen El autor recurre a las reflexiones de Antonio Gramsci en torno al "sentido común" para hacer un análisis de formas predominantes en el trabajo · social hegemónico. Estas formas de intervención se caracterizan por el conformismo y la poca disposición por poner en duda las contradicciones sociales fundamentales que atraviesan las sociedades modernas. Sobre *Este artículo se publicó por primera vez en la revista Forum Kritische Psycho/ogie, no. 40, 1999 bajo el título "Sozialarbeit und Philosophie der Praxis". La traducción del alemán al español estuvo a cargo de Veronika Sieglin. ** Johann Wolfgang Brandner es trabajador social. Realizó estudios en el instituto Internacional de Ciencias Sociales en Moscú. �14 / Trabajo Social y Filosof,a de la Praxis esta base se intenta de redefinir el trabajo social mediante dos elementos centrales del pensamiento gramsciano: (a) por un lado se propone trabajar sobre la "coherencia del sentido común" retomando como punto de enlace "el núcleo sano del sentido común", el "sano sentido humano" de los "subalternos"; (b) por el otro se retoma la idea de la "catarsis" identificada por Gramsci como desarrollo de iniciativas novedosas por parte de los "subalternos", como "transición "del momento meramente económico (o egoísta-pasional) al momento ético-político". Revista Per.pectivas Sociales / Social Perspecrives Joumal primaver(J-{)/Oiw / spring-fall 2004, Vol.6. Num. I y 2 I 15 del trabajo social. Considero que dicha aspiración juega un papel sólo marginal en la praxis. ¿Por qué? Cuando hablamos de trabajo social es preciso tener en mente de que se trata de un trabajo social desarrollado dentro de una sociedad capitalista. El trabajo social no actúa dentro de un abstracto societal sino dentro de un contexto neoliberal con características profundamente antisociales. En 1848, o sea, hace más de 155 años, apareció en Londres el Manifiesto del Partido Comunista. En este texto Marx (1983:58) formuló lo siguiente: Introducción El siguiente texto se ocupa de algunes aspectos esenciales de la relación entre el trabajo social y la filosofía de la praxis y analiza la función y el papel del trabajo social en el marco de la praxis societal concreta. En la primera parte me centraré en la relación que establece el trabajo social con su objeto. Apoyándome en el texto de Gramsci "La crítica del sentido común" voy a fundamentar la tesis de que el trabajo social no logra cumplir su cometido: resolver los problemas sociales. Sobre esta base intento de aprovechar la filosofia de la praxis con el fin de desarrollar una teoría del trabajo social que sea capaz de resolver determinados problemas sociales. La relación del trabajo social con su objeto Resulta común decir que los problemas sociales y su solución constituyen el objeto del trabajo social. Por lo menos esto es lo que se les enseña a los alumnos de la materia 'Teoría del Trabajo Social'. Además, la mencionada definición del objeto es considerada válida tanto para el trabajo social como una disciplina científico-social como para la enseñanza y la praxis del trabajo social (véase por ejemplo Engelke, 1993: 11 ). De esta manera el trabajo social ha adquirido un compromiso claro y definido. Se trata, desde mi perspectiva, de una pretensión política y moral muy grande. Sobre este trasfondo se plantea la pregunta acerca del grado en que esta reivindicación se está reflejando en el quehacer práctico "La burguesía no puede existir sino a condición de revolucionar incesantemente los instrumentos de producción y, por consiguiente, las relaciones de producción, y con ello todas las relaciones sociales.( ... ) Una revolución continua en la producción, una incesante conmoción de todas las condiciones sociales, una inquietud y un movimiento constante distinguen la época burguesa de todas las anteriores. Todas las relaciones estancadas y enmohecidas, con su cortejo de creencias y de ideas veneradas durante siglos, quedan rotas; las nuevas se hacen añejas antes de haber podido cosificarse." Una situación parecida se observa también en el postfordismo, es decir, en el capitalismo de alta tecnología que impera en la actualidad. Si ignoramos que el capital es el responsable de la problemática social actual y que, además, existe una oposición fundamental de intereses entre el capital y las clases y capas subalternas, entonces perdemos de vista una dimensión decisiva de la realidad social. ¿Por qué el trabajo social niega en gran medida este nivel societal? ¿Por qué no actúa de acuerdo con su propio objeto? Para encontrar una respuesta es útil retomar el texto de Gramsci "Crítica del sentido común" ya que el sentido común constituye la 'base' del actuar humano. ¿Cuales son sus características? Gramsci (1986, cuaderno 11, §13 :261) lo describió de la siguiente manera: �16 / Trabajo Social y Filosojia de la Praxis El sentido común no es una concepción única, idéntica en el tiempo y en el espacio: es el 'folkore' de la filosofía y como el folklore se presenta en formas innumerables: su rasgo fundamental y más característico es el de ser una concepción (incluso en los cerebros individuales) disgregada, incoherente, inconsecuente, correspondiente a la posición social y cultural de las multitudes de las que aquél es la filosofía. En los textos de Gramsci no se encuentra una oposición abstracta entre la 'alta' cultura y el sentido común. Ello significa entre otras cosas que el sentido común no puede ser atribuido sin más al ' pueblo'. Se trata, en primer instancia, de "un agregado desordenado de concepciones filosóficas y en él se puede encontrar todo lo que se quiere." (Gramsci, 1984, cuadernos 8, §173:304) Esta confusa mezcla caracteriza también a la alta cultura. "Hoy lo 'espiritual' que se aparta de lo 'temporal' y se distingue como autónomo, es algo inorgánico, descentrado, un polvillo inestable de grandes personalidades culturales..." (Gramsci, 1984, cuadernos 6, § 10: 18). Siguiendo a Gramsci, el sentido común contiene "elementos del hombre de las cavernas y principios de la ciencia más moderna y avanzada, prejuicios de todas las fases históricas pasadas toscamente localistas e intuiciones de una filosofía futura ..." (Gramsci, 1975, tomo 4, cuadernos 11, p. 246). En los textos de Gramsci no hay ninguna referencia acerca de la identificación de "pueblo" y "sentido común". Me parece de gran importancia remarcar este hecho dado que, por lo general, tendemos a asignar a las "capas más altas" un "comportamiento más racional". Apoyándose en el teorema de la base-superestructura (propuesto por Karl Marx), Gramsci establece una diferencia en la praxis societal entre "estructura" y "superestructura". La estructura es definida como "el conjunto de las relaciones sociales en las que los hombres reales se mueven y actúan, como un conjunto de condiciones objetivas ... " (Gramsci, 1975, cuaderno 10, §8:128). Las superestructuras refieren al campo de la ideología. Resumiendo se puede afirmar que el "conjunto complejo y discorde de las superestructuras son el reflejo del conjunto de las relaciones sociales de producción" (Gramsci, 1983, cuaderno 8, §182:309). Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspec/ivf.s Jouma/ primaver{l-{)toño / springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. / y 2 / 17 Siguiendo a Marx, Gramsci postula que los seres humanos adquieren en el campo de las ideologías una conciencia acerca de su posición en la sociedad. Como se mencionó antes, las ideologías constituyen el "reflejo" de las relaciones de producción existentes en la sociedad las que son (sin duda) de carácter capitalista. Ello me permite concluir que el pensamiento burgués y pequeño burgués poseen (como elementos portadores del sentido común) una posición hegemónica. Lo anterior significa que el trabajo social, en su forma de pensar Y ~ctuar, es de cuño burgués y pequeño burgués lo que significa, desde m1 perspectiva, que al tematizarse las contradicciones sociales fundamentales el trabajo social tiende a portarse de manera conformista y bus~a ev~tar los conflictos. Ello acarrea una contradicción para el trabajo social. Aun y cuando los campos problemáticos de la sociedad indican la necesidad de que se efectúen cambies fundamentales, la integración del trabajo social en la ideología burguesa impide este acercamiento. Por lo tanto es preciso comprender al trabajo social "como una praxis ideológica específica en el marco de los proyectos hegemónicos" (Brandt, 1996: 143) que contribuye a "la reproducción de las condiciones de producción, es decir, a la regulación y a la institucionalización de las fo~as sociales contradictorias" (ibídem). Por lo tanto, los proble~as sociales y su solución no constituyen, vistos de forma objetiva, el obJeto del trabajo social. Lo son más bien los problemas sociales y el bloqueo de su solución. . Me resulta decepcionante la reacción de muchos trabajadores sociales al tematizarse esta cuestión: prefieren negarla que luchar con la c~beza en alto para convertir las moral y políticamente elevadas pre- · tensiones de su profesión en una realidad. Esta situación apoya la critica gramsciana del sentido común. �18 / Trabajo Social y Filosofía de la Praxis Filosofía de la praxis y trabajo social: un ensayo para adaptarlos Las acciones de los trabajadores sociales se orientan en estructuras cognitivas estrechamente entrelazadas: • una estructura casi inextricable de conocimientos cotidianos • conocimientos más o menos procesados provenientes de diferentes disciplinas científicas • conocimientos profesionales adquiridos en la praxis (Brandt, 1996: 205) Con el fin de contener formas de acción que emergen del sentido común no reflexionado, Gramsci propone al sujeto una auto-reflexión crítica: "El inicio de la elaboración critica es la conciencia de lo que es realmente o sea un 'conócete a ti mismo' como producto del proceso ' . . . histórico desarrollado hasta ahora ~ue ha dejado en ti mismo una mfinidad de huellas recibidas sin beneficio de inventario. Hay que hacer inicialmente ese inventario." (Gramsci, 1975, cuaderno 11, §12:246) - Esta cita toca una cuestión decisiva: en cuando los seres humanos no se ocupan de lo que los ha formado e influenciado, siguen siendo en gran medida objetos. Gramsci remarca la responsabilidad d~ los seres_ h~anos hacia si mismos, refiriéndose a puntos que son motivo de optlmlsmo al momento de elaborar dicho "inventario". "Este es el núcleo sano del sentido común, lo que precisamente podría llamarse buen sentid? Yque merece ser desarrollado y hacerse unitario y coherente. " (Gramsc1, 1975, cuaderno 11, §12: 249) Dicho núcleo" ...no se deja desviar por fantasías y oscuridades metafisicas, seudoprofundas, seu~ocien~cas,, e!~ét~ra." (Gramsci, 1975, cuaderno 10, §48: 212). G~~ms~1 localiza en el ....c!~~ dosis de 'experimentalismo' y de observac10n d1recta de la realidad as1 como la aplicación de principios de causalidad (Gramsci, 1975, cuaderno 10, §48: 212). Es por ello que Gramsci aporta importantes ideas que p_e~ten acercarse al trabajo social simultáneamente de manera partidista Y científica. Sobre estas reflexiones quisiera proponer para el trabajo social lo siguiente: Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspective.s Journal primaver(J-(Jtoiw I springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Nwn. / y 21 (a) (b) (c) (d) 19 El trabajo social tiene que hacer una reflexión consciente acerca de si mismo. Reflexionar quiere decir aquí analizar su rol y función dentro del contexto social, político y cultural. Reflexionar implica también un análisis de la constitución del sentido común específico del trabajador social. Esta reflexión debería inducir la praxis profesional. Ello quiere decir que se contengan en gran medida las acciones irreflexivas marcadas por el sentido común. El sentido común tiene que convertirse en objeto de la investigación del trabajo social. De esta manera será posible evidenciar formas de comportamiento anticuadas que ejercen un efecto social bloqueador y que se deben a la ideología. El discurso que surge en este contexto tiene que ser público. De él se puede esperar el desarrollo de formas de acercamiento social cualitativamente novedosas. Estas propuestas son practicables siempre y cuando formen parte integral de la formación profesional. En analogía a la petición de Gramsci de acercarse al 'núcleo sano' del sentido común que merece ser desarrollado, consideramos que el 'núcleo sano' del sentido común del trabajo social también merece ser desarrollado. Esta realización pondría el trabajo social de la cabeza a los pies. Se haría posible tematizar problemas sociales liberados del encadenamiento ideológico. Esto representa la condición más importante para trabajar de fonna seria el objeto del trabajo social. ¿Cómo se llega desde ahí a la solución de determinadas problemáticas sociales? En este punto surge la cuestión de la hegemonía de los problemas sociales en la sociedad civil. Ello quiere decir que en la sociedad civil los problemas sociales deben adoptar en lo posible un carácter hegemónico para poder ser resuelto en la estructura societal. Según Gramsci (1975, cuaderno 10, §15: 149) " ... el Estado es el instrumento para adecuar la sociedad civil a la estructura económica ..." , . El trabajo social funge en este contexto como una praxis ideologica específica en el marco de proyectos que participan en la conservación de la hegemonía burguesa. El trabajo social tiene que liberarse de esta exodetemiinación. La solución de problemas sociales - si esto �20 / Trabajo Sccial y Filosofía de la Praxis es lo que se propone - sólo es posible en unión con los seres humanos inmersos en ellos. ¿De qué manera puede contribuir el trabajo social al desarrollo de tal proceso? La respuesta resulta sencilla: el mismo proceso propuesto para el trabajo social, es decir, su acercamiento al "sano sentido común", resulta también útil para las personas que afrontan problemas sociales. Al igual que los trabajadores sociales, los afectados de problemas sociales poseen un "sano sentido común". Cuando el trabajador social se dirige a este sentido común saludable, las personas se sentirán alentadas en su respectivo pensar y actuar. El enfoque que visualiza al "sano sentido común" como potencial de desarrollo constituye también la condición para la transición "del momento meramente económico (o egoísta-pasional) al momento ético-político" (Gramsci, cuaderno 1O, §6: 142) - una transición que fue conceptualizada por Gramsci por medio del antiguo término de catarsis. Al momento de adquirir los grupos sociales hasta ahora subordinados una capacidad de acción a nivel de las superestructuras - lo que resulta posible sólo si superan su fase economista-corporativista y empiecen a pensar en términos que engloban a toda la sociedad lo que equivale a entrar a la lucha por la hegemonía - lograrán transformar la estructura económica de una "fuerza exterior que aplasta al hombre, lo asimila a sí, lo hace pasivo ... en medio de libertad; en instrumento para crear una nueva forma ético-política; en • rigen de nuevas iniciativas" (ibid). Haug (1996: 126) llama con justa razón a aquello que es referido por el concepto de catarsis ''una puesta en la cual el cómo está en disputa" y lo liga con el término de "capacidad de acción histórica". "La catarsis político-ético constituye un elemento formativo de la capacidad de acción histórica que la fomenta y es fomentada por ella misma. Significa en un mismo momento inicial la formación de competencia política y ética." (Haug, 1996: 126) El desarrollo de un trabajo social inspirado por la teoría de Gramsci depende aún de muchas reflexiones más. Pero por el momento resulta claro que un trabajo social que pretende contribuir a la activación de los momentos catárticos tiene que enfocarse en el desarrollo del "sano sentido común". Dirigirse a él no significa que el trabajo social pueda garantizar la activación de los momentos catárticos pero sí crea las condiciones necesarias para ello. Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño I springfa/12004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / 21 Conclusión Desde mi perspectiva se abre la siguiente coyuntura: el trabajo social se refleja en su contexto social, político y cultural. Al acercarse al "sano sentido humano", el trabajo social se libera de su sobredeterminación ideológica existente hasta el momento. Es así cómo el trabajo social se convierte en ejemplo de acción; a partir de este momento puede ser transferido a las personas afectadas por determinados problemas sociales y movilizar sus fuerzas en el sentido de una "catarsis". De este modo se hace posible que ciertas problemáticas sociales adquieran un carácter hegemónico en la sociedad civil lo que constituye la condición de su superación dentro de la estructura social. Ciertamente, este tipo de acercamiento exige valentía. No obstante, todo lo que nos hace falta para ello es un "sano sentido humano", una exigencia que me parece apropiada a finales del siglo XX. �22 / Trabajo Social y Filosofía de la Praxis Bibliografía Brandner Johann W. (1996). Überlegungen zur gegenwartigen Lage ' . der Sozialarbeit - un ter besonderer • erücksichtigung Antonio Gramsc1s Philosophie der Praxis. Tesis de maestría, Dombirn. Brandt, E. (1996). Soziale Arbeit als Wissenschaft. Eine Orientierung, Freiburg im Breisgau, Lambertus-Verlag. Engelke, E. (1993). Soziale Arbeit als Wissenschaft. Eine Orientierung, Freiburg im Breisgau, Lambertus Verlag. Gramsci, Antonio (1981 ). Cuadernos de la cárcel. Tomo 2. Edición crítica del Instituto Gramsci a cargo de Valentino Gerratana, México, Era. -------(1983). Cuadernos de la cárcel. Tomo 3, Edición crítica del Instituto Gramsci a cargo de Valentino Gerratana, México, Era. --------(1986). Cuadernos de la cárcel. Tomo 4. Edición crítica del Instituto Gramsci a cargo de Valentino Gerratana, México, Era. Haug, Wolfgang Fritz (1996). Philosophieren mit Brecht und Gramsci, Hamburg, Argument-Verlag. Marx, Carlos (1983). Manifiesto del Partido Comunista, México, Editores Mexicanos Unidos. Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journal primavera--0/oño/ spring-fall 2004. Vol,6. Num. J y 2 / 23 LAS POLÍTICAS FOXISTAS DE COMBATE A LA POBREZA EN MEXICO Claudia Campillo Toledano* Abstract Social justice and progress are the main principies of modernity and the foundation for the emergence of contemporary social policies. The policíes for combating poverty adopted by the administration of President Vicente Fox do not reflect these values. In this article, I argue that there are two reasons which explain this: paternalism and the authoritarian nature of the government. The neoliberal model marginalizes social policies and <loes not create a base for development. The current model is accompanied by the traditional corporatist and clientelistic relationship between the government and society that impedes active social participation in the design and implementation of public policies which should combat poverty. Resumen El progreso y la justicia social son des grandes principios de la modernidad que están detrás del surgimiento de las políticas sociales. La política de combate a la pobreza del gobierno de Vicente Fox no se ajusta, lamentablemente, a estos ideales modernos. Los principales defectos de esta política son dos: su carácter asistencialista y su estilo autoritario Y vertical. El modelo neoliberaJ, al que se adscribe el gobierno foxista, sitúa a la política social en un lugar marginal y no en la base del desarrollo. Por su parte, la tradición corporativista y clientelar en la relación Estado-sociedad en México dificulta una participación social activa y vigorosa en el diseño e implementación de las políticas públicas de lucha contra la pobreza. * La autora es profesora titular de la Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. Su dirección electrónica es: claudiacampil/o@hotmail.com �24 / Las Políricas Foxislas de combate a la pobreza en México Introducción Los principios de libertad, igualdad y fraternidad inscritos en la bandera de la Revolución Francesa han moldeado la relación entre el Estado moderno y el ciudadano, o mejor dicho, la sociedad (Touraine, 1994). Asimismo, la solidaridad, la subsidiariedad y la justicia han dado sentido a la idea de una nación que busca brindar a sus miembros condiciones sociales que faciliten el desarrollo de cada uno de ellos (Rawls, 1979; Martínez, 2003). Las políticas sociales constituyen el medio para alcanzar dicha meta. Están fundamentadas en el ideal de progreso propuesto por el proyecto de la modernidad. De la forma como cada una de las sociedades occidentales se apropia de estos magnos principios depende si las políticas sociales portan características más asistenciales y paliativas, o ~ien, si busc_a n construir estructuras sociales fundamentales que garanticen que los mdividuos logren desarrollar sus potencialidades en condiciones de equidad. El Estado y las formas de gobierno han sufrido transformaciones importantes a lo largo de la historia contemporánea que se ligan a las diversas interpretaciones acerca de cómo conseguir el llamado 'bien común'. ¿Cuáles son, por ejemplo, los límites de la acción pública y la acción individual en cuanto a las tareas encaminadas al logro del desarrollo económico y social? ¿Qué función y qué responsabilidad moral les concierne a los ciudadanos en la consecución del bienestar común e individual? ¿Qué papel juegan la justicia social y la equidad de condiciones para lograr que todos los individuos puedan desarrollar su potencial individual y hacerse cargo de su propio bienestar? (Offe, 2002; Montoro y Montoro, 1996). La noción de las políticas sociales está íntimamente ligada al reconocimiento de que el gobierno debe intervenir a favor de grupos Y sectores sociales específicos que por sí mismos no logran crearse garantías para su pleno desarrollo social (Titmuss, 1974). Esta perspectiva favorable a la intervención estatal en la sociedad se institucionalizó a través del Estado benefactor que concibe a las políticas sociales como una obligación del Estado. Revista Perspecln>a<i Sociales I Social Perspectives Jmow/ primovera--0toño I spring-fall 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / 25 Pero aun dentro del Estado benefactor las políticas sociales han sido objeto de debate debido a la dificultad para definir su contenido, su alcance y el tipo de actores participantes. Hay múltiples formas de conceptuarlas, pero por lo general su tipología gira en torno a ciertos ejes centrales: los arreglos organizacionales del Estado, los objetivos perseguidos por sus acciones y los grupos de población a quienes son dirigidas (Montagut, 2000). En este sentido, Alemán y Garcés ( 1998) proponen, por ejemplo, los siguientes tipos de políticas sociales: de corte caritativo; orientadas al control social; creadas para garantizar la reproducción social, y aquellas que pretenden la realización de los derechos sociales de la ciudadanía. Cada tipo mencionado por Alemán y Garcés se caracteriza por la forma como se define el problema social a remediar, las causas de dicho problema, sus efectos sobre el desarrollo del conjunto de la sociedad y las acciones públicas a tomar para intervenir en la realidad. Estos elementos permiten identificar la lógica discursiva que subyace a la construcción de las políticas sociales concretas. Sobre esta base, el presente artículo intenta analizar la política social del gobierno mexicano de Vicente Fox, en general, y sus políticas de combate a la pobreza, en particular. En la primera parte, revisaremos algunos rasgos del modelo de desarrollo económico implementado por la actual administración federal y el tipo de política social que le corresponde. Se argumentará que este modelo neoliberal conduce a diseñar políticas de lucha contra la pobreza de corte asistencialista o paliativo. En el segundo apartado, analizaremos la relación Estado-sociedad en México y sus efectos en las políticas de atención a los pobres. A través de un breve repaso histórico, argumentaremos que la tradición corporativista y clientelar del régimen político mexicano ha obstaculizado la formación de una sociedad civil organizada, propositiva y com-. prometida con el desarrollo social. La relación vertical entre el gobierno Yla ciudadanía reduce significativamente las posibilidades de superar la pobreza en el país. �26 / las Políticas Foxistas de combate a la pobreza en México El asistencialismo de la política social foxista Contexto El actual gobierno de Vicente Fox exime al modelo económico de ser el factor causal de la pobreza y desconecta así la política económica de las políticas sociales. Más aún, el Estado estimula la competitividad económica a través de la desregulación económica y la apertura comercial y busca atraer la inversión extranjera mediante la oferta de una fuerza de trabajo cada vez más barata. Se trata de un modelo de desarrollo económico que " ...parece asemejarse más al modelo anglosajón, al descansar predominantemente en ventajas competitivas de carácter estático, entre las cuales ocupa un lugar destacado el recurso del trabajo de bajo nivel de calificación y salarios" (Carrasco y Tarriba, 2000: 428). Sin embargo, la oferta de mano de obra barata, economías de escala muy difundidas o el aprovechamiento elemental de recursos naturales constituyen, desde la perspectiva de Carrasco y Tarriba (2000: 427), "una posible estrategia de competitividad, que resulta menos sustentable a mediano y largo plazo ...". Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspeclives Journa/ primavera-otoña I springjall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. J y 2 / 27 sivamente a las condiciones materiales de vida. Se ofrece, por ejemplo, capacitación laboral para que los inaividuos puedan competir de forma más ventajosa en el mercado e incrementar así las posibilidades de mejorar sus ingresos. Crítica Aunque la nueva administración federal planteó desde un inicio su diferencia con el gobierno que le antecedió (bajo la presidencia de Ernesto Zedillo), mantuvo el énfasis en el mejoramiento de la eficiencia administrativa como una necesidad básica del gobierno y como camino para lograr el desarrollo. Si bien el gobierno de Fox comparte con la anterior administración la misma interpretación de la pobreza, la Secretaría de Desarrollo Social (Sedesol) afirmó: La nueva visión de la política social busca alejarse de una perspectiva asistencialista mediante el fomento de acciones y medidas que permitan a la población en condiciones de pobreza valerse por sus propios medios. Se parte del reconocimiento de que para superar la pobreza, la política social debe ser integral e incluyente y debe prevenir y atender las causas de la pobreza por !I r Este enfoque económico aspira a atraer inversión productiva que genere empleos en un corto plazo sin que se generen círculos virtuosos de encadenamientos productivos con distintos sectores de la economía nacional. El modelo maquilador es el mejor ejemplo de esta estrategia: alivia las presiones del desempleo en el corto plazo pero sin generar empleos en ramas asociadas. Tampoco estimula la creación de ambientes productivos sustentados en el desarrollo de conocimientos especializados que aseguren las ventajas competitivas de la industria a nivel internacional (Storper, 1995a y 1995b). Además, el actual modelo de desarrollo económico en México confunde de entrada al progreso social con el crecimiento económico. Es preciso recordar que el progreso social va más allá del bienestar material al plantear la creación de condiciones socioeconómicas y culturales que favorezcan un verdadero desarrollo humano. En cambio, una política orientada al crecimiento económico reduce sus esfuerzos a la búsqueda de recursos materiales y económicos. Al traducir este modelo al plano del combate a la pobreza se desarrollan políticas que se enfocan exclu- encima de los efectos de la misma (Sedesol, 2001: 23). No obstante, la persistencia del modelo asistencialista como guía de las políticas sociales es evidente ya que la administración actual parte de la premisa de que es obligación del gobierno dotar de oportunidades de desarrollo a los grupos sociales excluidos de las bondades de la economía globalizada. Hay que ayudar "a los que menos tienen". . En este orden de ideas, Miguel Székely (2002: 7) - Subsecretano de Prospectiva, Planeación y Evaluación de la Sedesol - resumió la definición de pobreza que prevalece en el gobierno de Fox: La idea central en la nueva estrategia es que en México la pobreza y, en general, los rezagos sociales, son causados principalmente por la elevada desigualdad en la posesión de recursos y no por la incapacidad de la economía para generar bienes y servicios para toda la población. . En otras palabras, en el gobierno impera la idea de que la evolución económica ha favorecido al desarrollo del país y que lo único que · �28 / lAs Políticas Foxistas de combate a la pobreza en México falla es la distribución del ingreso. Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journa/ prinuwera--0toño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 29 las complicaciones y controversias que existen alrededor de estos conceptos, no lo incluirnos en la discusión subsecuente) (Székely, 2002: 10). Desde la teoría neoliberal, dicha falla distributiva es el resultado de la intervención gubernamental en los mecanismos de mercado, la cual distorsionaría la distribución de la riqueza y provocaría la desigualdad. Este enfoque identifica a los pobres como víctimas de un modelo económico mal administrado por los gobiernos anteriores pero correctamente orientado hacia la integración económica internacional. Por esta razón, el gobierno foxista se niega a intervenir en la economía mediante la política fiscal, monetaria o laboral y opta, en cambio, por desarrollar programas de combate a la pobreza centrados en el ingreso: En resumen, el enfoque consiste en ilientificar las restricciones que causan rezagos sociales, y en aplicar instrumentos y programas orientados a su elimi- Ciertamente, el gobierno ha recurrido a una mayor integración de la investigación científico-social al proceso de diseño, instrumentación y evaluación de los proyectos y programas sociales . Sin embargo, la atención integral de la pobreza se ve congestionada por la definición simplificada de la misma. De hecho, las evaluaciones realizadas para medir los avances del Programa Oportunidades (Escobar y González de la Rocha, 2002; Gutiérrez, Bertozzi y Gertler, 2003) confirman que la pobreza como tal y el tamaño de la población afectada no serán resueltos en el corto o mediano plazo. Más aún, los resultados alcanzados hasta el momento no indican un cambio en la estructura de los ingresos familiares. nación ... Evidentemente, este enfoque no abarca todas las dimensiones de la pobreza. De hecho, restringe la discusión al ingreso. Sin embargo, simplificar la discusión a estos ténninos pennite aterrizar los conceptos y traducirlos en instrumentos de política específicos. Por lo tanto, la simplificación se convierte en una ventaja (Székely, 2002: 7). La raíz del problema de la falta de ingresos, según la Sedesol, se ubica en ciertas características de los individuos que les impiden incorporarse exitosamente al mercado laboral. Se trata de factores 'extraeconómicos'. A pesar de que la discusión mundial en tomo a la pobreza superó desde hace mucho tiempo el énfasis en los ingresos (Sen, 1998) e incorporó la noción de la fonnación de capital social a través de la construcción de redes sociales de solidaridad como una estrategia del combate a la pobreza en grandes grupos sociales, estas reflexiones no han logrado entrar a la nueva política social en México. El mismo Székely (2002) argumentó que resulta dificil medir el capital social y en consecuencia lo desechó del grupo de factores principales para la generación de ingresos: Para simplificar el esquema conceptual clasificamos los activos en dos grupos: capital humano y capital físico (hay otras formas de capital, como el social, pero este tipo de conceptos son mucho más difíciles de manejar.. . por En suma, las políticas de atención a los grupos más desfavorecidos se consideran, desde la óptica neoliberal, un complemento asistencial o un paliativo del modelo económico y no, como debería de ser, el motor mismo del desarrollo. La política social foxista y su verticalismo Contexto Para comprender un rasgo sobresaliente de la actual política social del gobierno foxista: su verticalismo, es necesario revisar históricamente (así sea de manera breve) la relación Estado-sociedad en México. Ello implica analizar la conceptualización y operación del aparato gubernamental por parte de un partido político que lo controló durante setenta Yun años: el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). Su modelo de gobierno encarnó de muchas maneras el discurso de la modernidad eri cuanto al progreso y la justicia social. Los gobiernos priístas hicieron suyo tanto en el plano ideológico como organizacional los sentidos reclamos sociales de justicia e igualdad de las clases desposeídas. El discurso oficial tuvo como fuente de legitimidad a la Revolución mexicana, de indudable carácter social. La administración nacionalista de Lázaro Cárdenas, por ejemplo, reflejó �30 / Las Políticas Foxistas de combate a la pobreza en México claramente este énfasis en la igualdad económica. Por otro lado, el régimen priísta construyó una infraestructura política, el corpor~tivismo, para incluir en su modelo de desarrollo a diversos sectores sociales ( obreros, campesinos, militares, empresarios, clases medias). Estos sectores recibieron, sin duda, beneficios sociales, pero a cambio debieron otorgar lealtad y disciplina al régimen; es decir, su autonomía fue limitada. El crecimiento de esta plataforma patemalista y clientelar fue el eje central que permitió el fortalecimiento de una figura estatal dominante y autoritaria. No se permitió la participación política de grupos no asociados a la estructura del partido; en el mejor de los casos, se les ignoraba y, en el peor, se les reprimía. Estas prácticas corporativistas Y clientelares contribuyeron a una cultura de rechazo a la participación autónoma de los diferentes actores sociales en el proyecto nacional. A raíz de la crisis económica de 1982, el modelo modernizador priísta dio un giro radical hacia el neoliberalismo durante los sexenios de Miguel de la Madrid, Carlos Salinas y Ernesto Zedilla. Por su parte, el autoritarismo en la relación Estado-sociedad se mantuvo prácticamente intacto, aunque cabe introducir un matiz: el autoritarismo de la era neoliberal presenta un tono más tecnocrático y menos corporativista y clientelar. El traspaso del aparato gubernamental al Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) en el 2000 no significó una ruptura con el modelo anterior, situación claramente observable en el campo de las políticas sociales que siguen en términos generales el rum•o de los programas anteriores tanto en lo referente al enfoque neoliberal como a la relación vertical con la sociedad. Crítica A pesar de que el Estado mantiene firmemente el papel rector de las decisiones sobre las estrategias a seguir en la consecución del bienestar, ha mantenido también la retórica de la participación ciudadana que fue iniciada por el Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (PRONASOL). Más aún, el actual gobierno foxista ha resaltado la importancia de la participación de la población. En este sentido, la Sedesol proclamó que: "Contigo propone una estrategia con responsabilidades compartidas y una política social subsidiaria y no asistencialista" (Sedesol, 2001: 6). Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspeclives Jouma/ primavera--0toño / springf a/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. Jy 2 / 31 No obstante, las formas de participación de los ciudadanos han estado acotadas por el gobierno de manera tal que se ven reducidas a la asistencia a reuniones informativas y de evaluación. Una estrategia que asigna a los afectados el papel de un mero vigilante ciudadano, que los excluye de la determinación de las prioridades sociopolíticas de programas sociales centrados en ellos y que descarta su participación activa en la toma de decisiones, corre, empero, el riesgo de desembocar en problemas políticos. Peor todavía, puede hacer detonar el malestar social y provocar la inestabilidad política que comprometa el desarrollo del país. Por ello, Paloma Bon.fil (2000) advierte: ... en el caso de las políticas para el desarrollo, es necesario tomar en cuenta lo que las ciencias sociales, por un lado, y la experiencia y opinión misma de los afectados, por otro, tienen que decir ante proyectos que suponen un cambio de vida profundo de las poblaciones afectadas. El no hacerlo, agudiza los conflictos políticos, económicos y culturales que implican este tipo de proyectos, al confrontar los intereses nacionales o regionales con los de grupos más reducidos o aun, con los de ciertos individuos; o al significar pérdidas a plazo inmediato antepuestas a hipotéticas ganancias a plazo futuro. Es preciso subrayar que la función de supervisión asignada a la población beneficiaria de los programas no es sinónimo de su inclusión en la toma de decisiones colectivas ni tampoco garantiza por sí misma una mayor transparencia en el manejo de los recursos, como asegura la P~esente administración federal. Si bien es cierto que la participación social puede ser la base que reconfigure el diseño de las políticas sociales de desarrollo, ésta no podrá aportar la experiencia, opiniones ni ventajas de las organizaciones locales basadas en la solidaridad mientras la esfera gubernamental siga asignando a la sociedad únicamente un rol de vigilante de los recursos públicos. · Ahora bien, resulta llamativa la contradicción entre la impor~c~a discursiva atribuida a la participación social y el enfoque autontario de los programas diseñados e instrumentados por la Sedesol. Al respecto, esta Secretaría destaca lo siguiente: �32 / Las Políticas Foxistas de combate a la p-0breza en Mé:xica Contigo es la manera de hacer política social, en donde la participación de la sociedad, particularmente de la población en condiciones de pobreza, es lo que más cuenta. Se trata de la definición de acciones a partir de los planteamientos de aquellos a quienes se quiere atender (Sedesol, 2001 : 5). Sin embargo, en la práctica, no se toman en cuenta las redes de solidaridad comunitaria ni las características de las organizaciones locales y sus formas de trabajo, las cuales, en su conjunto, no son consideradas aspectos importantes para la toma de decisiones ni para la eva~uación de los problemas locales. Es el gobierno federal qmen determma qué programas se van a implementar, cómo serán operacionalizados Y a quiénes serán dirigidos. Por último, las evaluaciones al Programa Oportunidades demuestran que el gobierno apenas está conociendo la verdadera dimensión de la pobreza en el país. Las descripciones de los perfiles sociodemográficos y económicos de los hogares y de las regiones m~ginales (Cruz, Medina y Ayala, 2001) llaman la atención sobre una realidad que requiere de soluciones urgentes, las que no se pueden gestar al margen de los grupos empobrecidos sino solamente en colaboración con ellos. Sólo así se garantizará que las políticas de combate a la pobreza tomen en cuenta las necesidades, la definición del bienestar y las expectativas de las comunidades en las distintas regiones del país (Ballester, 2000; Krmpotic, 1999). Consideraciones finales Los principios de la modernidad imponen a los ciudadanos, a las sociedades y a los Estados-Nación una tarea importante: la búsqueda del bienestar y el progreso como momentos centrales del desarrollo. La envergadura de dicha tarea significé una forma de organización soci~I y política sostenida por una racionalidad instrumental, y el establecimiento de un contrato social que incluye las aspiraciones sociales y las formas en que éstas deberán ser logradas. En el caso de México, estas aspiraciones quedaron inscritas en la Constitución de 1917 al igual que las responsabilidades de cada uno de los actores sociales. Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera--0taño / spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. / y 2 / 33 El modelo de desarrollo adoptado por el actual gobierno mexicano, bajo la presidencia de Vicente Fox, y el diseño de la política social requieren modificaciones para ser más efectivos. En principio es preciso abandonar la idea de que las políticas sociales son una mera ayuda al necesitado. En cambio, es imprescindible que el gobierno se enfoque en mayor grado en la construcción de una base del desarrollo nacional que sea sustentado en los principios básicos de la modernidad. Ello significa plantear al desarrollo en términos más amplios y no reducirlo a cuestiones económicas. Sólo entonces se puede garantizar que los ciudadanos desarrollen sus potencialidades humanas. El objetivo de las políticas sociales constituye la consecución del bienestar colectivo. A través de la política social, se determinan los roles, compromisos y responsabilidades de los actores que forman parte de un proyecto de nación moderno. En México este objetivo fundamental de las políticas sociales está sobresellado por prácticas corporativistas y clientelares ligadas al control social, que históricamente han limitado y condicionado la participación de la sociedad en la toma de decisiones para definir el rumbo del país. El Estado no es el único actor responsable para lograr el desarrollo. La participación social es igualmente importante y no debe reducirse a la vigilancia de los programas sociopolíticos sino extenderse también a la fase del diseño de las políticas y la asignación de los recursos. Únicamente así será factible lograr la igualdad de oportunidades como el punto de inicio que da sentido a la política social. Ni la coyuntura económica ni la coyuntura política deben ser las determinantes principales de las acciones gubernamentales sino más bien las demandas que la sociedad establezca como prioritarias. La . agenda nacional debe ser resultado de un amplio consenso social. Las políticas sociales requieren definirse mediante el diálogo entre todas las fuerzas y sectores sociales. Por ello, vale la pena insistir que el Estado no es el único actor dentro del escenario del desarrollo socioeconómico ni tampoco el agente único que rige el destino del país. Este papel rector corresponde a la sociedad en su conjunto. Sólo bajo esta premisa los ciudadanos pueden retomar el papel de agentes del cambio social. �34 / Las Políticas Foxistas de combate a la pobreza en México Bibliografía Alemán, Carmen y Jorge Garcés (1998). Política social, Madrid, McGraw Hill. ., 35 cualitativa de Desarrollo Humano Oportunidades. Seguimiento de impacto 2001-2002. 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Hernández, Daniel; Mónica Orozco, José Camacho, Hadid Llamas, et. al. (2002). Concentración de hogares en condición de pobreza en el medio urbano, Cuadernos de Desarrollo Humano, México, Sedesol 1 l Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera--0toño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. J y 2 / Bonfil, Paloma (2000). "Las relocalizaciones forzosas en la vida de las mujeres indígenas: memoria y presente de lo perdido ", en Ma. de la Paz López y Vania Salles, (2000), Familia, género y pobreza, México, Porrúa, pp. 23-45 Carrasco, Rosalía y Gabriel Tarriba (2000). "Política socialy trabajo", en Ma. De la Paz López y Vania Salles (comps.), Familia, género y pobreza, México, Porrúa, pp. 120-135 Cordera, Rolando y Alicia Ziccardi (2000). Las políticas sociales de México al fin del milenio. Descentralización, diseño y gestión, México, Porrúa-IIS-UNAM. Cruz, Edit; Cinthia Medina y Rosa Ayala (2001 ). Perfil de las localidades y hogares beneficiados de Progresa, México, Sedesol. De la Garza, Enrique (1996). Políticas públicas alternativas en México, México, La Jornada-Centro de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias en Ciencias y Humanidades-UNAM. Escobar, Agustín y Mercedes González de la Rocha (2002). Evaluación Krmpotic, Claudia (1999). El concepto de necesidad y políticas de bienestar, Buenos Aires, Espacio Editorial. Landázuri, Gisela (1995). "El Programa Nacional de Solidaridad en el imaginario social", Revista Cuadernos Agrarios, núms. 11/ 12, Cuadernos Agrarios AC, México, pp. 89-98. Martínez, Gabriel (1999). Pobreza y política social en México, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Serie el Trimestre Económico, núm. 85. M~nez, Ronald (2003). Justicia social y bienes públicos, Xalapa, Universidad Veracruzana. Mi,ll~r, David y Michael Walzer ( 1996). Pluralismo, justicia e igualdad, Mex1co, Fondo de Cultura Económica. Mis~a, Ra~esh (1992). El Estado Benefactor en crisis. Pensamiento y cambio social, Madrid, Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social. -------(2000) Globalization and the Welfare State, Northampton, Edward Elgar. �36 / Las Políticos Foxistas de combate a la pobreza en México Moli,nar, Juan y Jeffrey Weldon (1994). "Electoral Determinants and Consequences of National Solidarity ", en Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig y Jonathan Fox (eds.), Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: Toe National Solidarity Strategy, San Diego, Center for USMexican Studies, University of California. Montagut, Teresa (2000). Política social. Una introducción, Barcelona, Ariel Sociología. Montoro, Cristóbal y Ricardo Montoro (1996). "Del Estado de Bienestar a la sociedad de bienestar", en Ramón Casilda y José M. Tortosa (comps.), Pros y contras del Estado de Bienestar, Madrid, Tecnos, pp. 390-412. ., 1 'I Offe, Claus (2002). "Los principios de la justicia social y el futuro del Estado Social", en Jorge Alonso; Armando Aguilar y Richard Lang (comps.), El futuro del Estado Social, Guadalajara, Universidad de Guadalajara-ITESO-Goethe Institute. Rawls, John (1979). Teoría de la justicia, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. Sedesol (1995). Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, México, Secretaría de Desarrollo Social. ------- (2001). Programa Nacional de Desarrollo Social 2001 -2006. Superación de la pobreza: una tarea Contigo, Resumen Ejecutivo, México. Sen, Amartya y Martha Nussbaum (1998). La calidad de vida, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. Székely, Miguel (2002). Hacia una nueva generación de política social, México, Cuadernos de Desarrollo Humano, núm. 2, Sedesol. Soria, Víctor (2000). Crecimiento económico, crisis estructural y evolución de la pobreza en México. Un enfoque regulacionista de largo plazo, México, UAM-Plaza y Valdés Editores. Revisto Perspectiva, Sociales / Social Penpectives Joumal primavera-otoño/ spring-fa/1 2004, Vol. 6, Num. I y 2 I 37 Storper, Michael (1995a). "The Resurgence ofRegional Economies, Ten years later: The Region as a nexus of Untraded Interdependencies ", Revue d'Economie Régionale et Urbaine, num. 4, pp. 605-644. ------- (1995b). "Territorial Development in the Global Learning Economy: The Challenge to Developing Countries ", Review of International Political Economy, vol. 2, num.3, pp. 394-424. Titmuss, Richard (1974). Social Policy. An Introduction, London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd. Torres, Gabriel (1996). "La redefinición de la política social: Entre la política de Estado y la política desde la sociedad", en Enrique Valencia (1996), ¿Devaluación de la política social?, ITESO, Guadalajara. Touraine, Alain (1994). Crítica de la modernidad, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. ------- (2001). ¿Qué es la democracia?, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. Villarreal, Diana (2000). La política económica y social de México en la globalización, México, Ponúa-UAM. Vélez, Félix (1998). La pobreza en México. Causas y políticas para combatirla, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Serie el Trimestre Económico, núm. 78. Wannan, Arturo (1994). La política social en México 1989-1994: Una visión de la modernización de México, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. Wondon, Quentin y Gladys López-Acevedo (2003). "Government Programs and Poverty ", en Marcelo Guigale, Olivier Lafourcade y Vinh Nguyen (eds.) (2003), Mexico. A Comprehensive Development Agenda for the New Era, Washington, Toe World Bank, pp. 569-618 �INNOVACIONES DE LA PRÁCTICA - PRACTICE INNOVATIONS �Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primaver1J--Otoño I spring-fa/1 2004, VoL6, Num. I y 21 41 ACreative Response to a Growing Need: Toe Support for Future Hispanic Professionals Initiative Rodney A. Ellis and Sandra Gonzalez* Resumen El rápido crecimiento de la población hispana en los Estados Unidos ha producido una enorme demanda por profesionales biculturales capaces de detectar las necesidades de este grupo social. La ciudad de Nashville, Tennessee, y los distritos circunvecinos han aceptado este reto. Las estrategias tradicionales diseñadas en el pasado para reclutar profesionales médicos y especialistas de salud mental de otras comunidades culturales han tenido un éxito muy limitado. A diferencia, la estrategia más reciente intitulada 'Apoyo para Futuros Profesionales Hispanos' (AFPH) resulta particularmente prometedora ya que ofrece apoyo financiero a aquellos integrantes de la comunidad latina local que desean obtener una maestría en ciencia en el área del trabajo social. De esta forma se atraen estudiantes potenciales y se asegura que aquellos que alcancen este grado académico permanecerán in la comunidad donde laborarán como profesionales. Abstract Toe rapid growth of the Hispanic population in the United States has resulted in a tremendous demand fer bicultural professionals who can help to meet the needs ofthat burgeoning population. The city ofNashville, Tennessee and the surrounding counties have faced this challenge. Previous strategies, most designed to recruit mental health and medica! professionals from other communities, have met with only limited success. Toe latest strategy, Support for Future Hispanic Professiona/s (SFHP) is particularly prornising because it prevides financia! support to local Latinos who wish to obtain a Master of Science in Social Work. This helps· to attract potential students and to assure that those who receive their degrees will remain in the community to practice as professionals. * Rodney A. E/lis, Ph.D., Acting Associate Dean at the University of Tennessee School of Social Work and Sandra Gonzalez, MSSW, CMSW, Medica/ Social Worker at St. Thomas Family Health Center, Nashville, TN, Adjunct Professor at the University of Tennessee School ofSocial Work. Her email address is: sgonzalez@ftthomas.org �42 / A Creative Response to a Growing Need: Revirta Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspeclives Joumalprimavera-otoiw / spring-fa/1 2004, Vol.6. Num. 1y 2 / 43 The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals lnitiative Introduction Toe Hispanic population of the United States is growing at an astounding rate. Patterns of immigration and migration once confined to a few large cities or border communities have now spread into other parts of the country. Cities and cornmunities that were once principally Caucasian or African American are experiencing an influx ofpersons ofLatino deseen~ presenting new opportunities and challenges to both the new residents and the members of the preexisting community (Atkinson, Morten, & Wing Sue, 1998; Kataoka, Stein, Jaycox, Wong, Escudero, Tu, Zaragoza, & Fink, 2003; PR Newswire, 2002, August 8). Among the challenges is the need to provide effective services to those who have lived in another culture and who speak a language other than English. Nashville, Tennessee (Metropolitan Davidson County) is a community that has experienced these kinds of growing pains. Official estimates place the approximate number ofHispanics of the Davidson County area at 30,462. Surrounding counties such as Rutherford and Williamson, also have large Latino populations. If the six counties adjoining Davidson are also considered, this figure rises by nearly 15,000 (US Bureau ofthe Census, 2002). Local experts with access to information about those who may have been missed by the census or who may have arrived since it was conducted estimate the population of the Middle Tennessee area to be in excess of 80,000 to 100,000. Although these figures may seem small wben compared to major metropolitan areas such as New York or Miami, they represent a significant and rapidly growing portion of the population. Just as those who have lived in this country for generations sometimes experience tbe need for social services, so do immigrant populations. In fact, the additional pressures generated by relocation to an unfamiliar environment may hei~hten that need for sorne. This need is compounded by tbe barriers to effective service presented by language and culture. Many communities have found themselves at a loss to effectively meet the needs of their newest residents. This paper describes an initiative in tbe Middle Tennessee area ( metropolitan Davidson County and surrounding counties) designed to help meet this need. Toe initiative involves the identification, recruitment, and support oflocal Hispanics to receive an MSSW education and be prepared for professional practice. There is sorne debate as to the correct term in referring to tbe group of persons whose ancestors originated in Spain. Sorne prefer the word ''Latino". Others prefer "Hispanic" . In this paper the words will be used interchangeab1y. Attempts to Recruit Hispanic Professionals The social service community in Middle Tennessee has recognized tbe need for bilingual, bicultural professionals for a number of years. Accordingly, its leaders have attempted severa! initiatives designed to attract Hispanic social workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists. They have, unfortunately, been frustrated in their efforts. These leaders have identified barriers that make Hispanic professionals from other areas unlikely to relocate. These barriers include: 1) the ability to include the presence of blood relatives and extended family in the professional's home area, 2) the extreme need for bicultural professionals in their present home community, and 3) difficulty in paying wages that are sufficient to overcome the other two barriers. Inability to overcome the barriers has left the Middle Tennessee community with a strong need for bilingual, bicultural practitioners. The Importance o/Bicultural Professionals The need for practitioners who are competent to practice with persons from other cultures is clearly documented in the scientific literature. This need has prompted a significant effort among the social services to prepare professionals who can engage in such practice (Atkinson, Morten, & Wing Sue, 1998; Ellis, K.lepper, & Sowers, 2000; Jackson, 2002, March-April; Van Soest & Garcia, 2003). Considerable work has been devoted to identifying the relevant characteristics of various cultural groups and to helping practitioners already in training or practice achieve competence. Toe result has been practitioners trained atan assortment of levels that can be identified along a continuum of knowledge and skill. Ellis, Dulmus, and Wodarski (2003) have categorized this phenomenon as 'stages of cultural effectiveness' (p. 214). �44 / A CreaJive Response Jo a Growing Need: Revista Penpeclivas Sociales I SocifJ/ Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoño / springfa/1 2004. Vo/.6. Num. Jy 2 / 45 The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals lnilialive Toe stages of cultural effectiveness include: 1) cultural insensitivity, 2) cultural indifference, 3) cultural sensitivity, 4) cultural relevance, and 5) cultural competence. Cultural insensitivity refer to the earliest stage of development. Practitioners who are culturally insensitive have prejudicial attitudes and exhibit discriminatory behaviors toward members of other cultures. A culturally insensitive practitioner might termínate a client from another culture at an inappropriate time or insist that the children in the home be forced to speak English at ali times. Cultural indifference categorizes those practitioners who are not deliberately discriminatory, but who are unaware of and unconcerned about the issues that cultural diversity can generate. An example of cultural indifference might occur if a practitioner pressured a woman from a Hispanic family to demand that her husband allow her teenage daughter a greater role in family decision making. Practitioners who are cultural/y sensitive can relate comfortably those of another culture and are a,le to build a relationship character1zed by trust and rapport with those persons. These practitioners might be a~le to relate to a family well enough to provide case management or prov1de sorne sort of direct service. They would be lik:ely, however, to be unable to <leal with in-depth individual or family issues, orto provide psychotherapy to persons from other cultures. !º .. t.. A practitioner who has developed sufficient knowledge and skill to relate successfully to members of another culture can be said to be cultural/y relevan/ (Sandau-Beckler, personal cornmunication, August 13, 2001 ), that is, able to relate in a relevant manner to such persons. At this leve! of cultural effectiveness the practitioner would be able to provide a great~r number of more advanced services, but might lack the skills to pr~:1de all ?f the needed services. For example, a culturally relevant practJ ttoner llllght be able to be a mentor to a Southeast Asian youth, but ~ack the knowledge and skills to be able to provide therapy to his famIly. A cultural/y competen! practitioner is able to relate to clients of a given culture sufficiently that their differences do not constitute a barrier to successful intervention. Competence is difficult to achieve for those whose culture differs substantially from that of the client. Barriers such as language and the subtle gestures and nuances of communication are often challenging to master. The difficulty involved in achieving competence suggests that agencies or communities seeking to provide culturally competent practitioners to a specific population will be most successful if they are able to recruit culturally similar professionals. For example, a social worker from one Hispanic country such as Mexico is likely to achieve competence in working with individuals and families from Cuba much more quickly than a professional raised in tbe United States. Culturally competent practitioners are mucb more likely to be effective than are tbose who function at any other leve! of effectiveness. Even when a culturally sensitive practitioner speaks the language of a client, tbe gestures and nuances of communication that differ between the two are likely to present barriers. SFHP: A Strategy for Preparing Professionals from Local Residents Given the need for culturally competent practitioners and tbe difficulties experienced in attempting to recruit them from other areas, altemative strategies were developed. Conversations between The University of Tennessee College of Social Work (UTCSW) and the Self-Reliance Foundation (SRF) (a Washington, DC-based group tbat supports and encourages education and personal development among Hispanics) lead the development of the Support for Future Hispanic Professionals (SFHP) initiative. SFHP is based on a model developed by SFR and two otber University partners, The University of New Mexico (UNM) and P~pperdine University (PU). The model initiatives share two goals with the Nashville initiative: 1) to provide educational opportunities for Hispanic students and 2) to compile and enlarge a database of bicultural service providers across the country. Students receive a combination of foundation support, federal work study money and academic credit in return for their services. In addition to these goals, SFHP has two others: 1) to prepare Hispanic professionals to practice in the Middle Tennessee area and 2) to further diversify tbe student body of the College. At this time �46 / A Crealive Response to a Growing Need: Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journa/ primaverQ-(Jtoño / springfa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I 47 The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals lnitiative the UNM and PU initiative focus on undergraduates while the UTCSW effort includes MSSW students. conduct in-service training or seminars for agencies and their fellow students on topics related to their own culture or provide written translation services for the university and other organizations. Sources ofstudent support SFHP contains three potential sources of funding for participating students. The first, known as the Support for Professional Education (SPE) provides a combination offederal work study money, university graduate assistant money, tuition waiver, and academic credit for participants. Each student must apply for and be approved to receive work study or graduate assistant funds. Depencling on need and funding availability they may also receive a waiver of part of their tuition cost or receive classroom credit for their work asan independent study. As more students enter the program an Advisory Committee consisting of faculty and members of the community will determine eligibility. The second form of support comes from local agencies who provide stipends for students who complete their intemships at their agencies. This program is known as Stipends for Professional Development (SPD). The amount of support varíes between agencies, with sorne providing the equivalent of a bachelor's-level salary and others paying up to several hundred dollars per semester. Eligibility for the stipends is determined by agency personnel. The third form of support is in the form of donations from various sources in the community. Churcbes, businesses, and individuals donate smaller amounts of money to help students purchase books and supplies or to pay for their living expenses. Distribution of these funds will be determined by either tbe donors or tbe Advisory Committee. Responsibilities ofStudent Participants Student participants have a variety ef responsibilities depending on tbe type of support they receive. Students in SPE may engage in one or more of several activities. One of those will be to participate in identifying and documenting the presence of agencies in various parts of the country that provide services to Hispanics. Students will have administrative access to a computerized database created and maintained by the Self-Reliance Foundation. Information entered in the database will be available to Hispanics seeking services anywhere across the country. They may also Toe second activity thatsome ofthe students participating in SPE will engage in is representing tbe College at activities in the Latino community. This will include volunteering at scbool and community events, speaking at local higb schools and celleges, and working in communitybased committees and task forces designed to benefit Hispanics. In sorne cases the students may also serve as translators for university personnel who make public appearances in the Hispanic cornmunity. A third function ofstudents participating in SPE will be to support research efforts in Latino community. As the need for services grows and programs proliferate, needs assessments and program evaluations will be needed to determine the degree to which the need is being met. Toe students, working with university faculty and community practitioners, will be able to conduct the research that will help to answer that question. Students receiving stipends (SPD) will need to successfully complete tbe activities required by the agencies in wbich they work as stipulated in tbe leaming contract. These activities will be developed in a collaborative effort between the students, tbeir field supervisor and College :field consultants. The activities will be consistent with the College's requirements for both first and second year practicums. Students who complete their :first intemsbip there will remain for their second, ideally continuing as employees after graduation. Tbe requirements of local donors vary, and are likely to vary even more as additional donors are identified. Most want sorne form of reporting by the student. In many cases this is an informal requirement, to be conducted over a cup of coffee or lunch. Others require a written surnmary or report of the student's activities and accomplishments. It is apparent, bowever, that many donors will want to receive at least sorne kind of communication from the students they support, reminding tbem ofthe good they are doing for the student and their cornmunity. �48 / A Creative Response to a Growing Need: The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals Jnitiative Challenges and solutions in program development The program has been described by experts as 'robust and healthy'. Although both ofthese claims may be true, its development has been fraught with changes, redirections, and delays. The challenges have been many, and the solutions at times elusive. They have included the need for 1) creativity and flexibility, 2) aggressive recruiting activities, 3) an assortment of funding opportunities, 4) the need for strategies to overcome language barriers, and 5) the absence of role models for Hispanic students. One of the greatest challenges has been identifying willing, stable sources offunding. The sources identified for the Davidson County initiative have included federal work study money, university contributions, agency stipends, and personal or organizational donations. Sorne of these are more likely to be available in future years than are others. For example, federal support and agency stipends appear to be relatively stable. University contributions are dependent on the funding provided by the state budget and personal or organizational donations depend on the ability and willingness of the funder. One question prospective students have asked is what guarantee they might have that funding available in the first year of their program would continue to be available in the second. It is important that they understand that sorne sources of support may become unstable. Creativity and flexibility have been required to establish the sources of funding. Additional sources may also be available, including other reservoirs of federal dollars, philanthropic foundations, or partnerships with state and local government agencies. One of the keys to the successful development of this program has been a willingness to search for additional funding altematives when one or more failed to be available as was anticipated. lnterestingly, recruiting potential students has been almost as difficult as obtaining funding for them. As this article was being prepared one ofthe two students who had planned to begin hereducation in the Fall semester elected not to attend, citing personal circumstances. The second, a recent immigrant from Cuba (a former attorney) who was already working in the local social service network, began classes in mid-August. Response to both local and national advertising efforts has been limited. Revista Penpectivos Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primaver<J-()/Oño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Man. I Y 2 I 49 Plans are in place to recruit for next year's class through appearan~es at local colleges and universities, appearances at churches and social service agencies, and continued advertising through local media outlets. Although it is likely that attracting students will become easier as _the program grows, in the initial year, no students would have be~n recrmted without substantial personal contact with schools and agencies. Language has forrned a rninor barrier to the development of the initiative. Toe presence ofwilling persons to serve as translators has been very beneficia!. In the case of media advertising, bicultural professionals at the Self-Reliance Foundation, the Hispanic Radio Network, or in the community have carefully translated advertising on behalf of the College. 1n severa) cases they have recommended that the phrasing of the ads be revised to avoid content that might have been unintentionally culturally insensitive. Non-Spanish speaking administrative staff at the campus have been trained to receive incoming calls from Spanish-speaking persons, assuring that those calls are forwarded to someone who can converse with them fluently. Recruitment visits by unilingual staff always include a translator who is fluent in Spanish. The absence of culturally-similar role models among university personnel has also presented a barrier to program development. Efforts to recruit Latino faculty to pennanent lines have notas yet been successful. Asan altemative, College alumni who live in the community have been recruited. For example, one of the authors of this article, a professional from a local hospital, is currently serving as adjunct faculty, and is heavily involved in the development of the initiative. Other cultural and non-cultural issues Other issues, particularly those relate• to cultural factors, have also created barriers to the project's success. Potential students have been discouraged from entering the program by family members, citing a tradition Í-equiring young people (particularly women) to remain in close physical proximity to their families. The resistence has been sufficient to cause at least ~:me recruit to withdraw from the program after initially having been anxious to enter it. The potential for resistence underscores the importance of in- �50 / A Creative Response to a Growing Need: Revisto Perspectivas Scciales I Social Perspectives Joumol primavera-otoño / springfa/1 2004, Vol 6, Num. Jy 2 / 51 The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals lnitiative volving the family in the recruitment process. In the experience of this program parents, particularly fathers, who know members of the facuJty, who understand social work, and who feel that they have played a key role in the decision are much more likely to support their child's enrollment. Those who do not perceive themselves as a part of the process may not feel respected and may oppose their child's enrollment in the program. E. .. It is important in interacting with Latino families that factors other than and in addition to culture be considered. Important issues include a rural versus urban background, socioeconomic status, and educational background. Diverse factors in the experiences of persons from culturally-similar backgrounds can result in significant diversity. Silva (1983) has identified five life dimensions that generate diversity: 1) inherited endowment, 2) learned values and culture, 3) developmental histories, 4) specified patterns of problems, and 5) personalized styles of coping. Notably, Silva has listed culture as only one of the :five. Inherited endowment refers to genetically-created conditions in individuals that may predispose individuals to a variety of characteristics. These characteristics may include capacities or de:ficits in the ability to leam, capacities or de:ficits in the ability to relate to others socially, capacities or deficits in the ability to function physically, and others. Developmental histories are the individual experiences experienced by persons as they move through the life cycle. Personalized styles of coping refers to the manner in which individuals choose to <leal with the opportunities and challenges life presents. One of the dimensions identified by Silva (1983) is particularly relevant. The behavior of individuals and families is greatly affected by "speci:fied pattems of problems". These problems include oppression, socioeconomic status, income, acculturation, racial/ethnic identity, national origin, education, immigration status, age, and gender (Atkinson, et al., 1998; Lum, 2000). For example, as described by Bilis, Klepper, and Sowers (2000), families who have experienced high differential levels of oppression are likely to react to any govemmental agency (such as a state university) differently. Those who have experienced high levels of oppression are likely to be skeptical and resistant. Those who have experienced little oppression may be more open to approach. Similarly, although the cultures of various countries may be very much alike, they are never identical. Prospective students and families from Cuba will share language and sorne cultural similarities with those from Colombia, but may differ in very important ways. Yet another important consideration for farnilies has to do with the Hierarchy ofNeeds (Maslow, 1954). This is closely related to the effect of socioeconomic status. Families that :find it difficult to meet their daily expenses may be reluctant to allow a member who might help pay those expenses in a low-paying job to spend valuable time pursuing a degree promising future income and prestige. This may be particularly true in a profession such as social work where the benefits are unlikely to ever be lucrative. In such cases it may be that maximizing the financial benefit the prospective student will receive could help ease the concerns of the family. An additional concem for sorne families is unfamiliarity with post-secondary education. For sorne, the prospective student will be the first to attend an institution ofhigher education. This lack offamiliarity can engender anxiety that might result in the loss ofthe support ofthe family. For this reason and the other reasons described above it is important to include the family in discussions between the academic institution and the student. A second barrier program developers have encountered is a lack of understanding of the social work profession. This results in a number of different problems. One is bom of the distrust for authority that many immigrants feel. Arnong Hispanics, the distrust may result from concems about illegal residence or from problematic encounters with a government agency such as a child welfare organization. Other prospective program participants have viewed social work with scepticism, not understanding its role and place as a profession. At times this is compounded by the differences between social work in their native countries and the profession in this country. These problems illustrate the importance of an educational component in tbe recruitrnent of future Hispanic professionals. Sorne Latino families may be reluctant to accept aid from outside sources. Toe "machismo" that is a characteristic of many Hispanic men (Queralt, 1996) may demand that they provide for their own. If this is the �52 / A Creative Response to a Growing Nee.d: Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal prlmavera-oroño / springja/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. / y 2 / 53 The Supportfor Future Hispanic Professionals lnitiative case, they may be reluctant to allow someone from outside the family, particularly a governmental source, to provide financial assistance. Toe following recommendations for dealing with these issues are untested, but are consistent with the recommendations for dealing with other barriers. Involving the family (including extended family) in recruitment may be critica!. Additionally, educating family members about both the social work profession and the kinds of educational support that are typically provided in this country may be very helpful. An additional and surprising barrier to the success of SFHP has been the perception of sorne in the social service community that competence can only exist when professionals of one country are matched with clients from the same country. These providers have been actively seeking a process by which those who have been educated as professionals in other countries can become reciprocally licensed in this country. Their efforts have met seemly insurmountable barriers. One very significant barrier is constituted by the genuine differences in training that ex.ist between countries. In sorne countries, for example, one may practice as a psychologist oran attomey with only a bachelor's degree. In this country a master's degree or doctorate plus additional training and testing are required. Even when background and training requirements are similar, accepting the professional status of a practitioner from another country would require significant changes in the legislation and govemmental procedures governing licensure. Perhaps most irnportantly, the scientific literature regarding cultural competence does not indicate that the cultures of professional and client be identical. In fact, studies have indicated that the differences produced by socioeconomic class, education, immigration experience, and the other factors discussed above mean that no two persons can be considered culturally identical. Rather, the literature indicates that cultural similarity, coupled with adequate knowledge and skill, is the essential requirement. Results Although the initiative is in its first year, the results have already been very encouraging. Two students had planned to enroll for the coming year. One did not enter the program due to personal circumstances, but hopes to enter the program next year. The second has started classes and has begun her intemship. Three others have been identified for future years. Toe processes for matching these students with the potential roles and resources in the program have been developed. Mechanisms have been developed that should promote increased funding and recruitment in the future. Participating students Both the participating student and the one who elected not to enter this year have shown great enthusiasm about the program and have expressed a commitment to support its future development. Both have enthusiastically proclaimed that SFHP presents an incredible opportunity for their future. One, a recently irnmigrant who had been an attomey in Cuba, has expressed excitement that she has the opportunity to retum to the ranks ofthe professionals. Toe other, a young, second generation mother from a traditional home, speaks enthusiastically about the changes she believes this program can bring in the Latino community. Several local practitioners holding BSSWs have expressed interest in participating in SFHP. Most of them have become aware of the program through visits to agencies and other community groups by the authors ofthis article. One has begun the process of application to enter the Advanced Standing Program next Summer. A second has initiated discussions with her current employer, trying to negotiate a schedule that would allow her to enter the Extended Study (part time) program. Community response Toe response from local providers has been very positive. With the exception of the few who hope to arrange reciprocal licensure, providers have expressed enthusiasm in the face of past frustration. Even those who would prefer altemative solutions see SFHP as a very positive and helpful ~tep. Several agency leaders and govemment o:fficials have expressed an mterest in serving in an advisory capacity to the program. Three agencies have agreed to provide stipends at varying levels and others have asked discuss that possibility with College personnel. Many are becoming mvolved in the process of recruitin~ prospective students. Three larger agencies have indicated their willingness to partner in seeking funding t~ expand the program and to conduct researcb related to its activities. !º �54 / A Creative Response to a Growing Need: Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspeclives Journal primavera--01000 / springfall 2004. Vo/.6, Num. 1y 2 / 55 The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals Jnitiative The community outside social services has been more difficult to access. Severa! factors, including the need to educate many potential students and their families about the social work profession, make conventional advertising challenging. Personal contact and conversation has been the most effective approach to this point. A vast reservoir ofpotential students and families remains untapped. One natural point of contact that remains to be explored is local high schools. These may prove more fertile when a BSSW component is added to the program. Future Steps 'I ·1 ', ·¡ SFHP is in its infancy, but is growing rapidly. lts youth also makes it very pliable. Severa) new developments, such as the acquisition of new sources of funding, have forced revisions of this article even during the time of its writing. Plans are being made to stabilize and expand the program in the coming years. Stabilization offunding sources One particularly important future·step will be the stabilization of sources of funding. A major advance occurred recently when the College committed fellowship dollars to support one student per year. Work study money will also be available on an ongoing basis. More formal arrangements with more agencies need to be made and additional agencies that will provide stipends must be identified. Severa! cornrnunity groups have indicated an interest in providing financia! support. These possibilities must be explored and working relationships developed. Philanthropic foundations or federal programs may also provide funding. Two local agencies have offered to provide support from their development departments to seek potential supporters and write grant proposals. Two agencies from state and local government have expressed an interest in providing support to employees and potential employees that might participate. Expansion ofavenues for recruitment Recruitment remains a challenge. Barriers such as language and a lack of understanding ofthe social work profession render conventional advertís- ing ineffective. The current plan is to expand the advisory committee to include at least one influential member of the various constituencies from the community. Each constituency will be a group that either has access to potential students (such as churches and schools), has a vested interest in the success of SFHP (such as social service agencies and advocacy groups), or has the potential to provide financia! support (such as local foundations or business persons). Advisory committee members will then become points of access and advertising to the various constituencies. Current advisory committee members are developing a list of constituencies as this article is being written. Once the constituencies have been identified, a list of potential committee members from each constituency will be identified. Strategies will then be developed for approaching each, maximizing the probability of a positive response. One of the functions of advisory committee members will be to promote SFHP through visits ana speaking engagements with community groups. They will be trained in the details of program operation, equipped with brochures that descri•e the sources of support, and given points of contact for those who need additional information. Committee members will also visit undergraduate programs in local universities (not just in social work, but also in other related disciplines) to recruit from the students there. As the initial visits have been made to cornrnunity groups the importance considering language and culture in those visits has become increasingly clear. The authors of this paper have made severa! visits together. The presence of both a bicultural, bilingual professional and a university administrator of European/American Indian descent working together has enhanced communicatien. Although ali the meetings to date have been conducted in English, occasional Spanish words and phrases have been included and sorne intensive conversations in "Spanglish" have occurred following each of the meetings. lt is anticipated that sorne future meetings will be conducted with individuals and groups where Spanish will be the dominant language. In such cases a Spanish-speaking member ofthe advisory committee will either be the speaker or provide translation for an English speaker. Whenever possible the speakers should be either bicultural or �56 I A Creative Response to a Growing Need: The Supportfor Future Hispanic Professionals Jnitiative culturally relevant to the group being addressed. In the meetings conducted to date issues have arisen that have required sorne understanding of the attendee's culture. The most recent example occurred when, after approximately ten minutes of his speech a Hispanic professional from the audience asked, "Could you please explain this? I have no idea what you are talking about." The issue was that the educational system was vastly different in her home country. The speaker had to revise his remarks to include a discussion of BSSW, MSSW, and PhD programs and explain how SFHP fits into that structure. ,, 1 Inclusion ofa BSSWprogram Another future step for SFHP is the inclusion of a BSSW program. Toe Nashville campus of UTCSW offers only an MSSW. A neighboring school, Tennessee State University (TSU), offers a BSSW. Plans are being made to expand SFHP to include that program by next year. This would allow recruitment to occur in public and prívate high schools, opening the doors for additional groups of potential students. f • The inclusion of a BSSW program is expected to present new challenges. Residency status, for example, is not usually an issue at the graduate level because those issues have been resolved when the student entered a baccalaureate program. Sirnilarly, eligibility for government or university funding may be affected by citizenship status and the ability to recruit from out-of-state may be hindered by the cost of out-of-state tuition. These and other issues will need to be addressed as the program is developed. Replication for other professions Yet another possibility for the SFHP program is that it may be replicated among other professions. An example can be provided by recounting a conversation between an author of the paper and a Dean of a College of Education at one ofTennessee's regional universities. The community in whicb that university is located has a growing need for bilingual tutors for Latino children in the public scheol system. During the conversation the two administrators identified several ways the College of Education might provide support or acadernic credit to students who work with Spanish-speaking children and families in the community. Similar arrangements rnight be made for other professions, such as psychology, business, nursing, medicine, Iaw, or Iaw enforcement education. Revista Perspet:tivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoña/ springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. l y 2 I 57 Jnclusion ofother immigrant and refugee groups A final possible area that is currently recognized as a potential area of growth is providing support for other immigrant and refugee groups in addition to the Hispanic community. Nashville is a federal relocation center for several refugee groups including Croatians and Laotians. It also boasts growing populations of Asians, other Southeast Asians, Africans, and other Eastem Europeans. lssues related to culture and effective service exist for each of these groups. lssues related to language exist for many. SFHP could be expanded to include each of these groups. The effort would require additional funding for those students and tbe creation of additional advisory committees or the expansion of the current comrnittee. Possibilities for this sort of expansion are currently being explored witb local leaders and members of the state legislature. In summary, SFHP is a growing program that promises to meet a critical need in the Middle Tennessee area. Participating students receive a variety of support including tuition waiver, fellowship dollars, intemship stipends, and funds to purchase books and supplies. In return they do public relations work for the College, serve agencies as intems, and perform beneficial work in the Hispanic community. Plans for the future of the program include stabilization and expansion of funding and recruiting efforts, the development of a program for BSSW students, and the possibility of developing support for students in other professions. �58 / A Creative Response to a Growing Need: Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-oroño / springfall 2004, Vol. 6, Num. I y 2 / 59 The Support for Future Hispanic Professionals lnitiative References Sandau-Beckler, personal communication, August 13, 2001. Atkinson, D.R.; G. Morten & D.W. Wing Sue (1998). CounselingAmerican Minorities: A cross-cultural perspective, Boston, McGraw-Hill. Silva, J.S. (1983). "Cross-cultural and cross-ethnic assessment", in C. Gibson (Ed.), Our kingdom stands on brittle glass, Silver Springs, MD, National Association of Social Workers, pp. 59-66. Ellis, R.A.; C.N. Dulmus & J.S. Wodarski (2003). Essentials of Child Welfare, Hoboken, NJ, John Wiley and Sons. Ellis, R.A.; T.D. Klepper & K.M. Sowers (2000). "Simi/arity, diversity, and cultural sensitivity: Considerations for treatingjuveniles ofAfrican descent ", Journal for Juvenile Justice and Detention Services, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 29-44. 'I 'I Jackson, V.H. (2002, March-April). "Cultural competency: The challenge posed by a cultura/ly diverse society and steps toward meeting them ", Behavioral Health Management, vol. 22, pp. 20-25. Kataoka, S.H.; B.O. Stein; L.H. Jaycox; M. Wong; P. Escudero; W. Tu; C. Zaragoza & A. Fink (2003). Journal of the American Academy of Child andAdolescent Psychiatry, vol. 42, pp. 311-318. Lum, D. (2000). Social work and practice with people of color: A process-stage approach. Pacfic Grove, CA, Brooks/Cole. Maslow, A.H. (1954). Motivation and personality, New York, Harper andRow. PR Newswire (2001, August 14). Itzama Medical Center fust to focus on needs of Latino population in New York City. PR Newswire (2002, August 8). NAMI calls on Presidential Commission for Cultural Competency in Mental Health System: Latinos, Africans, Asians, and Native Americans face greater barriers in getting help. Queralt, M. (1996). Toe social environment and human behavior: A diversity perspective, Boston, Allyn and Bacon. US Bureau of the Census (2004). USA Quick Facts. (Available online). http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/ Van Soest, D. & B. Garcia (2003). Diversity education for socialjustice: Mastering teaching skills, Alexandria, VA, Council on Social Work Education. �Revista Pe,$fJeetívas Sociales / Social Perspectíves Journal primavera-otoño/ springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 'i , ;¡ ARTICULOS DE INVESTIGACIÓN - RESEARCH ARTICLES 1 . ' f ... 61 ... • 1 �Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Penpectives Joumal primavera--0toño I springfa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / 63 Culturally Relevant Social Work Services for Latinas Infected or Affected with HIV/AIDS Yolanda Rodriguez-Escobar1, Elizabeth C. Pomeroy Lori K. Holleran, LaTonya Noel Resumen l. Al iniciar la tercera década de la pandemia provocada por el VIH/SIDA, las preocupaciones acerca de los aspectos sociales, psicológicos y conductuales de las personas que viven con la enfermedad siguen vigentes. Este padecimiento que en el pasado fue atribuido predominantemente a homosexuales anglosajones se ha extendido en la población heterosexual más allá de las líneas raciales y de clase social. Usuarios de drogas inyectadas han mostrado siempre un riesgo de infección elevado, sin embargo, algunos estudios demuestran que el VIH/SIDA afecta a diferentes poblaciones de forma temerosamente desproporciona!. En los Estados Unidos, la pandemia del VIH/SIDA se encuentra representada de manera desproporcionada y crece a tasas más elevadas en las comunidades de minorías étnicas que en el resto de la población (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2002). Este artículo busca explorar los elementos específicos asociados al VIH/SIDA en minorías raciales y étnicas y se enfoca en particular a la forma como los nuevos casos de SIDA afectan a la población latina. En este contexto se tematizan la falta de acceso a servicios médicos y los factores socioculturales específicos en este grupo y se discuten las implicaciones para el trabajo social práctico, la investigación en el ámbito de las políticas sociales y la educación. 1 Yolanda Rodriguez-Escobar is a Ph.D. Candidate at the University of Texas at Austin &hoo/ of Social Work (1inyYoli@aol.com); Elizabeth C. Pomeroy is Associate Professor and Director of the BSW Program, The University of Texas at Austin Schoo/ of Social Work (bpomeroy@mail.utexas.edu); Lori K. Holleran is Assistant Professor al the The University of Texas at Austin School of Social Work School ofSocial Work (/orikay@mail. utexas.ed11); LaTonya Noel is a Doctoral Student at University of Texas al Austin School ofSocial Work (lanoel@mail.utexas.edu). �64 / Cultural/y relevan/ social work services /or latinas Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectéves Jourru,l primavera--0toño / spring-fall 2004. Vol. 6, Num. I y 2 I 65 infected or affected with HIV/AJDS Abstract ·¡1 ·I As we begin the third decade of the HIV/ AIDS pandemic, concerns continue about social, psychological, and behavioral aspects of the living with the illness. What was once thought to be predominately a gay, Anglo disease has now become prominent in the heterosexual population crossing ali racial and class lines. Presumed injection drug users have always been highly infected. However, studies show that HIV/AIDS is affecting different populations at shockingly disproportionate rates. The HIV/AIDS pandemic in the United States is disproportionately represented and is growing at a faster rate in ethnic rninority communities as compared to majority populations (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2002). Toe purpose of this article is to explore the specific issues associated with HIV/AIDS in racial and ethnic minorities, with a specific focus on how the increase of new AlDS cases is affecting Latinas. Disparities such as lack of access to medica! care and unique socio-cultural issues are discussed, followed by implications for social work practice, policy, research, and education. HIV/AIDS and Racial and Ethnic Minorities Demographic Jnformation f. HIV/ AIDS is increasingly an epidemic for lower socioeconomic groups and transcends race, ethnicity, and gender. Toe growth in number ofAIDS cases in the gay community has decreased while African Americans and Latinos remain disproportionately affected. Currently, racial and ethnic minorities comprise approximately 31 percent of the U. S. population, but accounted for more than 68 percent of the nation's new AlDS cases reported (Kaiser Family Foundation [KFF], 2003; Center for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2002). At the beginning oftheAlDS epidernic in the United States, Anglo gay men were most likely to be diagnosed with AIDS and to reflect the public's perception of the stereotype of the illness (Shilts, 1987). This image has been replaced by the new millenniurn's portrait of AIDS cases, primarily being that of underprivileged urban minority women (Institute ofMedicine, 2001). Over the past decade, the fastest growth rates have been among African American and Latina women. African American and Latina women represent less than 25 percent of total U. S. women; yet, they comprise 90 percent of female AIDS cases reported between 1999 to 2002 (KFF, 2003). African American women and Latinas are currently facing a health crisis in the United States. Latinas and African Americans' risk of acquiring HIV/AIDS is 1Oto 15 times greater than that of Caucasian women. In 2000, HIV/ AIDS was the third leading cause of death among AfricanAmerican women age 25-44 and the fourth leading cause of death among Latina women in the same age group (CDC, 2002). Toe Kaiser Family Foundation reports that in 2002, of the number of new AlDS cases per 100,000 population, 13% were Latina and 2% were Anglo, making the AIDS rate of Latinas 6 times higher compared to Anglo women (KFF, 2003). Treatment Disparities Many racial disparities are evident in the fight to prevent new AIDS cases among women of color. Infected minority women tend to be poor, young residents of urban areas, particularly in the Northeast and the South. Trends show lllV/AIDS infection is often diagnosed ata later stage in women than in men. This may be due, in part, to poor access to health care by women, especially those in rninority populations. Reduced access to health care is associated with disadvantaged socioeconomic status and cultural and language barriers that limit access to prevention information and other services (U. S. Public Health Service's Office on Women's Health, 1998). Even though great strides have been made involving drug therapy, racial and ethnic rninorities are less likely to have access to drugs such as the protease inhibitors. Results of an HIV/AIDS Cost Utilization Study showed disproportionate pattems of care for HIV/AlDS-among African Americans (Steinbrook, 1998). Minorities with AIDS are less likely than Anglos to know their viral load and their need for medica! treatment, and are more likely to make treatrnent decisions based on little or poor information. F or people Living with HIV/ AIDS, such a lack of information is devastating. Minorities are less likely to have health coverage than Anglos. At every income leve!, Latinos/as are less likely to be insured than other racial/ethnic groups (HRSA, 2001). According to Congresswoman, Lillian Roybal-Allard, Chair of the Congressional �66 I Culturally relevan/ social work services for latinas infected or ajfected with HJVIAJDS Hispanic Caucus, "Across ali income levels, Latinos consistently have the highest rate of being uninsured. In fact, 33 percent of the forty-two rnillion uninsured people in 1999 were Latinos" (HRSA, 2001 ). Race and ethnicity are not risk factors, but they are markers for otber factors that put people at increased risk, such as lack of health insurance and limited access to care, according to Paul Denning, M. D., epidemiologist from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Greeley, 1995). Literature Review: Research on Latinas and HIV/AIDS Toe dearth of basic and applied researcb with Latinos/as, in general, is particularly striking given tbat they constitute the second largest minority group it in the United States and are the fastest growing ethnic minority population (Padilla & Salgado de Snyder, 1985). Latinos comprise 12 percent ofthe total population oftbe United States, and account for more than 25 mi Ilion people. Latinos are also tbe youngest and fastest growing major population group in the United States. The United States has the fiftb largest population ofLatinos in tbe world, following Mexico, Spain, Argentina, and Colombia (Raymond, 2001). f. .,, .. : 1 In addition to lirnited research, another problem related to the research on Latinos lies in tbe use of terms like "Hispanic" and "Latino" as umbrella terms that are applied across the board to groups with distinct historical, political, econornic, and racial differences. Unfortunately, most health data, including the data on HIV/AIDS cases, use the term "Hispanic" and do not distinguish between Hispanic subgroups (Amaro, 2000) specifically, Latinos representa diverse population group comprised of Mexican Americans ( 63 percent), Puerto Ricans ( 11 percent), Central and South Americans (14 percent) and Cubans (5 percent). Toe remaining 7 percent are Spanish-Mexican-Indians who live almost exclusively in the Southwestem U.S. (Maldonado, 1998). Most of the literature focused on Latinas and other women of color who are living with HIV/ AIDS, address issues related to modes of transrnission and demographics rather than on tbe psychological issues related to Latinas who are living with HIV/AIDS and/or HlV/AIDS-affected. However, in a recent study, Pulerwitz et al. (2002) found that Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. / y 2 / 67 Latinas with higher levels of relationship power were five times as likely as women with low levels of relationship power to consistently use condoms. In addition, Dixon, Antoni, Peters, and Saul (2002) found that heightened negative mood (i.e. depression) in Latinas was associated with unprotected vaginal sex. l.esearch also suggests that Latinas are more·likely to become infected due to their male partners HIV risk behaviors rather than personal risk ,ehaviors. For example, researchers found that Latinas who had experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) in the past three months were more likely to report HIV/STD risks based on unprotected sex witb amale injection drug using partner and/or amale partner infidelity than women who had not experienced IPV (Raj, Silverman, & Amaro, 2004). Despite these studies that reviewed very lirnited psychosocial factors related to HIV/AIDS infection in Latinas research . ' m this area is still lacking with regard to the specific cultural aspects that may interact with psychological functioning and at-risk-behaviors within this population. For instance, statistics from the Center for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC] (2000) site two primary modes of transmission for HIV/ AIDS infection in wornen as injecting drug use and heterosexual contact. However, unlike other female subgroups, Latinas and Asían American women have reported heterosexual contact as their ~~a~ mode of transrnission (48 ¾ and 46 %, respectively) rather than lllJection drug use (33% and 17%, respectively). Tbese statistics suggest that there may be unique cultural factors related to Latina and Asian and Pacific Islander women rates of transmission (CDC, 2000). Currently there is also a dearth of studies addressing the Mexican American women who are living with HIV/ AIDS or uninfected and who have made the decision to stay with their HIV/AIDS positive sexual partner. May want to use term serodiscordant in here it is estimated tbat these numbers are high, particularly in certain geographic regions of the S?uthwestem United States where the HIV/AIDS prevalence rates are higb ª°:1-ong this population. While women of color constitute a large proport1on of most social work caseloads, the unique needs of women of color are rarely presented in the social work literature (Gutierrez 1990). ' While the nurnber of women diagnosed with AIDS is doubling every one to two year~, little is known about the psycbological and be- �68 / Cultural/y relevan/ social work servícesfor latinas Revista PenpeclÍWIS Socíales I Social Perspectives Journa/ primaver{J-()toño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Mnn. I y 21 69 ínfected or affected with HIV/AIDS havioral factors influencing the transmission of HIV/AIDS in women, the majority of whom are impoverished and socially disadvantaged (Ickovics, Beren, Grigorenko, Morrill, Druley, & Rudin, 2002). It has proved di:fficult to identify many of the women at risk for HIV/AIDS and to provide appropriate education, counseling, and HIV/ AIDS testing services at the many sites where women traditionally receive medica! and social services (O'Leary & Jemmott, 1996). Toe lack ofresearch on Latinas who are living with HIV/AIDS and affected parallels the lack of research on women in general. Issues Unique to HIV/AIDS lnfected and Affected Latinas - . .. . 1 Gender Jssues In order to effectively serve Latinas who are, social workers must understand unique factors related to this population. Central to such understanding is the issue ofhow gender has played a role since the beginning of the AIDS epidemic. Toe first issue is that women are generally sicker than men at diagnosis, which leads to earlier death rates for women compared to their male counterparts. A contributing factor can be that women tend to exhibit different syrnptoms related to HIV/AIDS. Another distinction is that the disease seems to take on different pattems of manifestation for women. For example, :ynecologic infections are the most commonly reported condition ofwomen living with HIV/AIDS disease and AIDS (Project Inform, 1998). However, despite the fact that this is a commonly reported condition experienced by many women living with HIV/ AIDS, it is often overlooked or misdiagnosed by physicians who do not suspect that the patient is "at risk" for HIV infection. Another factor is that there are fewer clinical trials for women. Early in the epidemic, women were not enrolled in HIV/ AIDS-related clinical trials, resulting in limited knowledge of the action, safety, and efficacy of drug therapy for women living with HIV/AIDS- (HRSA, 1998). Thus, exclusion from research and clínica! drug trials has negatively impacted women's health and perhaps hastened progression of the disease for individual women (Gallego, 1998). Toe second issue is that injection drug use is now the second most frequently reported risk behavior for HIV/AIDS infection among women. About 61 percent of ali reported cases of AIDS among women were associated with injection drug use or sex· with a drug-injecting partner (HRSA, 1998). Although this is a known mode of transmission, there are few drug treatment programs that are sensitive to the needs of women, especially when children are involved. Early in the HIV/AIDS crisis, women were described by the CDC as "vessels of infection and vectors of perinatal transmission"; thus, they were viewed not as individuals needing medica! attention, but as sources of infection to others, i.e., tomen and children (Faithfull, 1997). There is a great deal ofblame and stigma related to perinatal transmission due to societal pressures and prejudices related to women with drug problerns. Poverty is a third issue to consider when examining differences between men and women whose lives are impacted by HIV/ AIDS. HIV/ AIDS among women in the United States is, to a large degree, related to an epidemic of poverty and its associated problems. Most women with HlV/AIDS were poor before becoming infected and will become poorer as their disease progresses. Recent studies in developed countries have shown AIDS incidence to be highest among the very poor. If these trends are replicated worldwide, AIDS will become like other infectious diseases, disproportionately affecting those in poverty or in the lowest socio-economic groups (World Bank Organization, 2000). Finally, many women are also faced witb the dual challenge of being both patient and caregiver of a child(ren), a spouse ora partner. As women living with AIDS struggle to continue care-giving responsibilities, they must also wrestle with the grief and loss issues that accompany their own terminal illness (Hackl, Somlai, Kelly and Kalichman, 1997). Toe issue of permanency planning for their children inevitably arises due to the fact that the majority of female related cases of HIV/AIDS involve women of child-bearing age and this has a great impact on women and their families. Custody planning forces a woman to address complex and emotionally charged issues. Sorne women find it impossible to go through the planning process. It is net unusual for a woman to wait until end-stage disease orto never be able to make guardianship arrangements (Taylor-Brown, 1998). · �70 / Cultural/y relevan/ social work services far latinas infected or affected with HIV/AJDS Cultural Issues specific to Mexican American women While Latinas face issues similar to those faced by all women whose lives have been impacted by HIV/AIDS, there are additional factors that are culturally-specific to this population. Sorne of the issues discussed here are not applicable to all Latinas, since they vary depending on the level of acculturation, life-style, where they were bom and where they live. Therefore, the reader cannot make the assumption that these factors automatically apply to ali Latinas. Special emphasis is placed in this section on Mexican American women. There are several issues related to oppression that many Latinas who are infected and/or affected have to face. For example, the Mexican woman who is undocumented must attend to the issue of permanency planning and be cautious and aware of immigration issues. An individual's immigration status itself can change with results. This has implications particularly for large numbers of Mexican nationals living in the Southwest. An HIV/AIDS positive Mexican immigrant who does not have permission to be in the United States may have difficulty in accessing medica! care and applying for entitlements. lmmigrant women often work two jobs to send money to relatives in Mexico. Those who are not properly documented cannot get insurance and are often paid illegal, low wages (Lynch, 2000). Sorne federally funded programs that assist with medical and drug assistance can no longer extend services to those who do not hold U.S. citizenship. For this reason, sorne community advocates are forming Task Forces to solve this problem. Discrimination is a reality that must be considered when discussing access to the health care system for Latinas, as well as other people of color. Research has established that women of color struggle with the double burden of racism and sexism, which exacts a toll on their mental healtb and restricts their opportunities (Gutierrez, 1990). Latinas are disproportionately uninsured or are often considered to be underinsured when seeking medica! care. For non-English speakers, access to health care can be extremely difficult. Yet clinics that serve Latinas often do not have bilingual medica! providers and thus non-English speaking patients experience difficulty in understanding explanations about their condition Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journal primavera-otoño I springfa/l 2004, Vol.6. Num. I y 2 I 71 and medications (Murphy et al., 20t 3). Such discriminatory conditions only pose additional challenges toan already difficult situation in accessing medica! care. It is not often that women of color see themselves reflected in the faces of their health care providers. Questions remain regarding the match between the values and priorities of non-European-A.merican patients and their European-American health care providers. Concurrently, another question in the mind of Latino/a immigrant patients is whether or not health care providers, pharmaceutical companies and government programs are to be trusted (Lynch, 2000). Latinas who live near the frontera (border) experience a multitude of problems. Lack of access to care or poor health care is a big problem that affects Latinas and their children who have to rely on rural health care services. Often, there is no specialized medica! services for Latinas who are HIV/AIDS infected. Since extreme poverty is an issue affecting many Latina-headed households in rural areas, HN/ AIDS is not always the most important stressor. Thus, they are likely to devote their energies to addressing immediate needs of food and housing for their family over medica! care for themselves, particularly if they are asymptomatic (HRSA, 1998). Gender inequality in interventions is another forro of oppression experienced by Latinas. For example, Latinas involved with a Latino male partner are often encouraged by HIV/AIDS educators to practice condom negotiation. This can pose a potential risk for domestic violence if their partners suspect infidelity as a result. If a woman insists that her partner use a condom, the implication may be construed to mean that he, or even she, has been 'unfaithful'. For women who are already victims of domestic violence or who fear becoming such victims, negotiation of safer sex practices is even more di:fficult, thus magnifying the risks ofbecoming infected with HIV/AIDS (Suarez-AI-Adam, Raffaelli, and O'Leary, 2000). Another type of oppression that is grounded in gender inequality is related to the social role Latinas play in their culture. F or example, they are taught not to ask questions regarding their partner's indiscretions, �72 / Cultural/y re/evant social work services f or latinas Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journal primavera--01000 / springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. l y 21 73 infected or affected with HJVIAIDS which could ultimately put them at risk for acquiring HIV/AIDS. Married and single women are likely to face somewhat different situations in regard to the participation of their partners in behavioral risk reduction and thus educational and behavioral change strategies may need to be tailored accordingly (Raj, Silverman, and Amaro, 2004). Though there is little research about Latino males engaging in 'at risk' behavior and the implications this has for their partners, it should be noted that there are sorne behaviors that are practiced by this group which, in turn, can be a mode of transmission for HIV/AIDS. Men who are incarcerated, for example, pose a serious risk to their female partners due to engaging in unprotected sex with men as well as sharing infected syringes with other inmates. Toe fact that Latinos are over-represented in the prison system (Greenberg, 2003) suggests a potential risk to their female sexual partners. ......... Another risk common to Mexican American women, is to be the partner of a migrant farm worker. This group suffers a high incidence of HIV/AIDS. One contributing factor is that sorne migrant laborers leave their spouses at home and engage in sex with secondary partners and use prostitutes. Another factor is that, in order to stay healthy, farm workers and their families inject medicine and vitamins (such as vitamin B12) they have brought to the U. S. from their home country (Holleran, in press). Needle-sharing associated with this activity places them at risk for HIV/AIDS and complicates the care of those already living with the disease (HRSA, 1999). One subject that is not generally discussed in Latino households is the fact that men are having sex with other men. In sorne instances this involves married men who consider themselves to be heterosexual. This phenomena, also referred to as the "Down Low," is occurring in a number of cultures. Thus, another risk of transmission for Latinas is that their sexual partners may be en~aging in sex with men and keeping ita secret. For Latinos, in particular, the disclosure that they may have bisexual or homosexual tendencies may never come. An early study of thirty-three women who were married to men who were having affairs with other men, found that women in these relationships are at serious risk (Gochros, 1989). The authors state; What we don't know is how many infected wives, former wives, or other female partners of gay/bisexual menare waiting in the wings about to become sick. We only assume that there are many. We do not have a completely reli able estimate ofthe degree ofrisk from either a ' category' ora specific sexual behavior (p. 200). In summary, Lee and Covington, public health specialists in the Food and Drug Administration's Office of AIDS and Special Health Issues, argue that there are a number of common factors, many economic ones, affecting many minority groups that contribute to the increase in AIDS (Greeley, 1995). They certainly apply to Latinas: • Lack of medica! insurance, which results in a lack of access to health care; • A higher incidence of diseases or maladies in general; • Fear of medica! care, particularly among illegal ahens; • Limited orno means of transportation to get to a health clinic; and • Too few doctors, particularly in rural areas. In addition to the above list, Latinas experience unique factors related to their particular cultural circurnstances, sorne of which have been described in this section. Implications for Social Work Practice and Education Need for Cultural Competence ~nder-utilization of HIV/ AIDS services by ethnically and culturally dtverse people is often a function of the cultural inappropriateness of services rendered. In the cross-cultural intervention, the key to successful outcomes lies in the 'goodness of fit' between services and the cultural reality of diverse clients (Ka'poua, L. S., 1998). Thus, organizations and so~ial :workers caring for Latinos in general should adopt the following gwdelines in order to assure quality care (HRSA, 1999): • Collaborate with organizations that have already established trust with the community to build a network of services; �74 / Cultural/y relevan/ social work services for latinas infected or affected with HIVIAIDS • Aggressively educate the community about testing and treatment; • Implement educational campaigns in the preferred language of tbe population; • Assure that ali case managers and physicians are bilingual and bicultural; • Provide translation services; • Help clients access support services including support groups; • Integrate social services with AIDS treatment in order to help patients comply with regimens, return for appointment, eat nutritiously, and maintain overall health; and • Recognize thatHIV/AIDS status affects individuals' legal status and/or desire to normalize their legal status. lt is important to consider culture with regard to risk and protective factors when working with Latinos/as at risk for HIV/AIDS. For instance, among Latino males, those with low- acculturation were involved in significantly more risky behaviors than other ethnic groups (Zule, Desmond, Medrano & Hatch, 2001 ). Even cultural values which may strengthen aspects of the lives ofLatinos/as can underlie risks; for example, fatalismo can be conducive to solidarity and spiritual reliance and also serve as a reason to ignore safety practices. Policy Practice Recommendations There are a number of ways services for Latinas with HIV/AIDS need to be improved. Gallego ( 1998) suggests severa! practices that social workers should advocate for in order to take social work practice beyond the individual leve! to systems and policy levels: • Agencies serving women with HIV/AIDS must incorporate and include women with HIV/AIDS in ali levels of programming, planning, educa· tion, and decision-making, regardless of their sexual orientation, race, and education. • Women with HIV/AIDS need to be provided with education and training about their basic rights, including the right to have all medica! procedures explained in a language they understand, the right to refuse treatment, and their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). Revista Per,pectivas Sociales I Social Perspeclives Journal primaver{l-()toña / springfa/12004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I 75 • Childcare and transportation services need to be incorporated into all programs serving women so that they can take part i? ~esearch, clini~al trials, medica! care and social services, as well as parhc1pate on plannmg and decision-making levels previously described. • "User-friendly/one-stop-shopping" types of services need to be created. Ideally, women with HIV/AIDS should be able to go to one place for their medical care and their child's medica! care (pp. 441-442). Social Work Education and Research Recommendations As the number of cases of HIV/AIDS among minorities increases, the need for culturally competent counseling and other mental health services has become apparent. lt would therefore be practica! for Schools ofSocial Work to include curriculum that addresses the specific needs ofpeople of various cultures as related to HN/ AIDS. Justas social workers are challenged to consider cultural diversity issues as they relate to child abuse, alcoholism, domestic violence and mental illness, the profession needs to take responsibility for addressing cultural influences in working with ethnic minorities who are living with HIV/AIDS. Cultural diversity courses should be required and should inelude the task of increasing knowledge about ethnic minorities living with HIV/ AIDS. Although there are sorne courses offered about culture, there are far fewer courses that ade~uately address psychosocial issues related to HIV/AIDS, despite the high prevalence rates. Historically, the social work profession has taken the lead in addressing unmet needs of the under-privileged and the disadvantaged and is positioned to take the lead with this new challenge. Education is a key to this effort. When the HN/ AIDS epidemic first arose, social workers found themselves providing mostly emotional support to families and significant others, specifically in the area of death and dying. Now that HIV/AIDS is beginning to be recognized as a mere chronic and manageable disease, social workers are being challenged to expand their knowledge base and move into the area oflong-term counseling, as well as HIV/AIDS prevention. Culturally appropriate knowledge and skills are required. Research is needed to develop best practice interventions with �76 / Cultural/y relevan/ social work services for latinas infected or affected with HIVIAIDS HIV/AIDS-infected and/or affected Latinas. Inquiries related to identifying effective strategies for helping wemen living with HIV/AIDS address stressors such as social stigma, infidelity, religiosity, marital obligation, and other culturally related pressures would augment our understanding of social work with this population. In addition, such research could identify more effective coping strategies for Mexican American women living with HIV/AIDS. Revisto Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journa/ primavera-otoiw / springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. Jy 2 I 77 References A.maro, H (2000). "Criollo, Mestizo, Mulato, LatiNegro, Indígena, Anglo, or Black? The US Hispanic/Latino Population and Mu/tiple Responses in the 2000 Census ", American Journal of Public Health, vol. 90, pp. 1724-1727. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2002). HIV/ AIDS Surveillance Report, 2001, Atlanta, GA, National Center for HIV, STD, and TB prevention, CDC. ---(2000). HIV/AIDS surveillance Report, 1999, Atlanta, GA, National Center for HIV, STD, and TB prevention, CDC. Day, D. (1998). Health Emergency 1999: The spread of drug-related AIDS and other deadly diseases ameng African Americans and Latinos, pp. l-17. Dixon, D. A. ; M. Antoni, M. Peters & J. Saul (2001). 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"Talking with parents about permanency planning", in D. M. Aronstein & B. J. Thompson (Eds.), HIV/AIDS and social work: a practitioner's guide, Binghamton, NY, Toe Haworth �Revista Pmpeclivas Sociales / Social Penpectives JOl/ma/ primavera--0toño / spring-fa/1 2004, 101.6, Num. 1y 2 / 83 Assessing the Social Service Needs of an Emerging Population of Recent Mexican Immigrants Living with, or at risk for, HIV/AIDS Samuel A. MacMaster, Suzanne Shatila and Lori K. Holleran* Resumen Desde hace poco tiempo la población latina se ha convertido en el grupo minoritario más grande de los Estados Unidos. Se espera que el crecimiento de este sector poblacional continúe también en el futuro debido a una elevada tasa de fertilidad y de inmigración. Comparados con la población blanca, los latinos experimentan una disparidad en cuanto a las tasas de VIH que puede estar asociada con el acceso a servicios de salud el cual se agrava ya que se trata de una población emergente con lengua y cultura diferentes a los conocidos por el sistema de salud. En este artículo se ofrecen ejemplos de una metodolocía que fue desarrollada para conocer y evaluar las necesidades de individuos que padecen VIH/SIDA y que tradicionalmente no han participado en este tipo de evaluaciones. Sobre esta base se discuten las implicaciones de los resultados y se elaboran una serie de recomendaciones para investigaciones futuras. Abstract Latinos have recently become the largest minority group in the United States. It is expected that Latino population growth will continue due to high fertility and high imrnigration rates. Latinos currently experience a health disparity in HIV rates compared to Caucasians. This disparity may be associated with health care access, which is compounded by the phenomenon ofan emerging population with language and culture that differ from the health care system. This article then provides an example ofthe methodology developed to access ami assess the needs of individuals with • Samue/ A. MacMaster is an Assistant Professor at the University of Tennessee Schoo/ o/Social Work (smacmast@gwmail.utk.edu); Suzanne Shatila is a Research Assistant at the University ofTennessee School of Soci11l Work (s_shatila@hotmail.com); lori K. Holleran is an Assistant Professor at The University o/Texas at Austin School ofSocial Work (/orikay@mail. utexas. edu).. �84 / Assessing the Social Service Needs ofan Emerging Population ofRecen/ Mexican lmmigrants Revista Pmpectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/primavera-otom I springfall 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I 85 U ving with, or at riskfor. HIV/AIDS HIV/ AIDS who traditionally have net participated in needs assessments. Implications of the current research findings and recommendations for future research are discussed. Introduction Toe face ofHIV/AIDS has changed over the past decade, as has the face of the population of the country. Traditional approaches of assessing the social service needs of ali people living with or at risk for HIV/AIDS may be problematic given the rise in the number of individuals with the disease who are homeless, substance users, and/or racial or ethnic minorities. Given unfavorable views of available treatments and historical relationships with social services, many individuals who are living with HIV/AIDS have limited contact with service providers. While this is true for ali populations, it is of particular importance for recent Mexican immigrants in the Southeast. Background: Emerging Populations of Latinos in the Southeast Data from the 2000 U.S Census indicates that 35.5 million Latinos or 12% ofthe U.S population live in the United States. Toe 2000 U.S Census also indicates that during the 1990s, the Latino population increased by 58%, frorn 22.4 rnillion in 1990 to 35.3 rnillion. This is five times more rapidly than any other ethnicity (Guzman, 2001 ). The U.S. Census estimates that by 2050 the Latino population will grow from 12.6% of the U.S. population to 24.4% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). This growth is in stark contrast to other races/ethnicities in America; it is estimated that the Caucasian population will decrease from 81 .0% in 2000 to 72. l % in 2050 and that the African American population will only increase from 12.7% of the population to 14.6% in 2050. As a group Latinos have disproportionately low incomes (23% have income below the poverty line) and low levels ofeducational attainment. More than 50% of Latinos under the age of 25 have not graduated from high school (Therrien & Rarnirez, 2000). ;! 1 fl 11 ,, This issue affects service delivery, as the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resources Emergency (CARE) Act requires local planning councils to initiate annual needs assessments to determine the allocation offunds for HIV/AIDS related social services. Traditional methodologies for assessing the social service needs of individuals with HIV/AIDS may be problematic, as many individuals with the disease may not be included in needs assessments that are based on surveys of current service recipients. This paper offers a methodology that is more inclusive. This article will provide an example of the methodology developed to access, and assess the needs of, individuals with HIV/AIDS who traditionally have not participated in needs assessments. Specifically these groups included: 1) individuals who may not be aware of their status; 2) individuals who were aware of their status, but were not receiving medical care; 3) indi· viduals who were receiving medical care, but not social services; and 4) individuals who were receiving services but were underrepresented in other needs assessments. Findings suggest that this methodology is able to assess a larger proportion of the targeted population and thereby providing more accurate assessment of the social service needs of individuals with HIV/AIDS. Data from the U.S census also shows that people of Mexican descent comprise the largest Latino population subgroup, followed by persons of South and Central American descent. Furthermore, during the last decade there has been an in.flux from countries such as Nicaragua, Salvador, Colombia, Venezuela, and the Dorninican Republic, reflecting the large increase (97%) reported by 2000 U.S Census ofpersons ofSouth or Central American origin. About three quarters of all Latinos live in four states: Florida, California, New York, and Texas (Guzman, 2001) and almost40% ofthe Latino population is foreign-born and 35% were under the age of 18 (Schmidley, 2001). Despite the diverse nature ofthe Latino population in the United States, research exploring social, economic, and health issues of Latinos has not accounted for between group and within-group differences among the various Latino population subgroups (Collins, 1995; Gloria & Peregoy, 1996; Trirnble, 1995). Thus, research findings on Latinos may be misleading and given to overgeneralizations to ali Latino subgroups when data from many of the studies included in their sample individuals from only one country of origin. Emerging Latino Population in Tennessee Tennessee has been identified as a place of 'hyper-growth' for the Latino population, as the number of Latino residents in Tennessee has increased �86 / Assessing the Socio/ Service Needs ofan Emerging Population ofRecen/ Mexican lmmigranls Rewta Penpectivas Sociales/Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño/ springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 87 Living with. oral risk for, HJVIAJDS 11 dramatically (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). In 1980, there were 34,077 Latinos in Tennessee, representing 0.74% ofthe statewide population. In 1990, this number had decreased to 32,741, and Latinos represented 0.67% of the statewide population. However, in 2000, this number had increased to 123,838, and Latinos represented 2.18% of the total statewide population. This increase was noted in severa! metropolitan areas throughout Tennessee, but has specifically grown in Nashville. Toe Latino population was 5,973 (O. 70% of the total population) in 1980. This number increased to 40,139 (3.26% ofthe total population) by 2000 and was estimated to be 4.9% by 2002. Toe number of Spanish speaking households in Tennessee increased as well, from 49,661 in 1990 to 133,931 in 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). It is quite possible to assume that Latino populations are much larger in these and other areas in the region dueto recent relocation into the area and the lack of participation in Census activities. HIV/AJDS RiskAmong Latinos In 2001, Latinos represented 13% of the U.S. population but accounted for a disproportionately higher proportion (19%) of the total number of new U.S. HIV cases reported that year (CDC, 2002). AIDS surveillance data from the CDC (2002) indicate that Latino meo are more Likely to be exposed to HIV through injection drug use than White meo, and Latina women are more likely to be exposed to HIV by having sex with an HIV positive sexual partner than White women. There has been connection made between higher rates of HIV infection and high-risk behaviors associated with injection drug use in the literature, however this may or may not be applicable to all Latinos or specifi.cally to Mexican Americans. A rise in heroin use has been found among young Latinos (Frank, 2000). This rise affects HIV rates, as injection drug use accounts for more than a third of diagnosed AIDS cases among Latino meo and women (CDC, 2002). However, further analysis of this phenomenon suggests that it may be more reflective of the Puerto Rican population, than Latinos as a group. Recent research suggests that among Puerto Rico-bom Latino men, injection drug users were more likely to report high-risk behaviors (Zule, Desmond, Medrano & Hatch, 2001 ). Further, injection drug use has historically played a more central role in HIV infection among Puerto Ricans compared to other Latino groups (COSSMHO, 1991). Toe disparity in HIV rates has also been attributed to factors such as poverty, access to education and health care, as well as high leve! of intravenous drug use (CDC, 2002). These factors may play a more central role in the infection of emerging populations of Latinos in the Southeast. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, as ofMarch, 2002, two in five Latinos ages 25 and older had not graduated from high school (Ramirez and de la Cruz, 2002). In addition, 8.1 % of Latino adults were unemployed compared to 5.1 % of non-Hispanic whites, and 21.4% of Latinos lived in poverty compared to 7.8% of non-Hispanic whites. This, compounded with lower rates of heath insurance coverage for Latinos compared with non-Hispanic whites, African Americans, and Asians, (Bhandari, 2004) makes Latinos vulnerable to higher HIV rates. Sexual risks also possibly contribute to these disparities. Latinas have been found to be at a significantly higher risk for exposure to a STD through sexual contact than other women (Finer, Darroch, Singh, 1999). This may be related to cultural norms around condom use. Astudy conducted with 1,287 youth in urban areas in the U.S. found that Latino youth reported less consistent condom use than African American and Caucasian youth (O'Donnell, O'Donnell, and Stueve, 2001). Toe sarne study found a younger age for initial sexual contact and a connection of this to less frequent use of birth control. Studies comparing African Americans, Caucasians and Latinos have attempted to find an association between less consistent condom use and substance use. Latinas were less likely to report use of condoms consistently than African American and Caucasian women (Sly et al., 1997) and Mexican American meo and women were more likely to associate alcohol use with sexual risk taking behaviors (Neff, Crawford, and MacMaster, 2002). Toe aim of this paper is to provide an example ofa methodology of assessing service needs among an emerging population of recent Mexican immigrants. Specifically, the paper describes a rnixed method process to assess service needs critical as a first step in developing an awareness of the need for and eventually the delivery of culturally relevant services. �88 / Assessing the Social Service Needs ofan Emerging Population ofRecen/ Mexican lmmigrants l/e/ÍSIJJ Penpectivas Sociales / Social Pmpectives Jouma/ primavera-otoña/ spring-fa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. J y 2 / 89 Living with, or al riskfor, HIVIAJDS Mixed Method of Assessment A three tiered approach of: 1) analyses ofexisting data sources, 2) surveys of service providers, and 3) focus groups of the target population was utilized. Each tier of the assessment informed the next tier and provided information to shape the methodology and questions for the proceeding section. It is important to note that contrary to the usual process of qualitative data informing the questions for quantitative data, this method of assessing service needs suggests the opposite approach, in which the results of large quantitative studies are reviewed to inform the development of smaller qualitative studies. Analyses ofExisting Data A review of epidemiological data was conducted based on the Tennessee Department of Health's HIV/AIDS/STD Section's Tennessee 2000 Epidemiological Profile and data provided by the Department for the years 2001 and 2002. This is the same data that the state reports at a national level to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as part of the national surveillance ofHIV andAIDS cases. Analyses of this data found that small percentages of individuals diagnosed withAIDS (2.03) and HIV ( 1.87) reported their ethnicity as Latino or Hispanic. Although the region included thirty-seven counties, more than two-thirds of these individuals (67.2%) in both categories were residents of Nashville. 1t is important to note, that any method used to count the number of individuals with HIV/AIDS is inherently flawed because many individuals do not know that they are infected or even view themselves as being at risk. Those individuals who have not been diagnosed cannot be counted in any incidence rate. 2003, only a very small percentage of RWCAP funded service recipients (2.2%) in the Middle Tennessee region identified themselves as Latino andan even smaller percentage (less than 1%) of individuals reported their primary language as Spanish accessed services. Surveys ofService Providers Data from the above sources documented that small, but important numbers ofLatino individuals were accessing services, but in proportion to the documented population numbers these numbers were questionably low. In order to determine what these issues may be data was culled from a second tier of surveys with service providers for additional information. Toe Survey of Regional Resources is based on the Tennessee Department ofHealth's Resource Audit lnstrument and was further modified by members of the Middle Tennessee RWCAP for use in the needs assessment. Initially it was modified to be specific to HIV/AIDS service organizations, and this year an updated version was developed to be inclusive of both prevention and care oriented HIV/ AIDS service organizations. Toe survey instrument is designed to gather information regarding the individual agency's characteristics, perceived accessibility, capacity and location; the services offered; characteristics of targeted populations and individuals served; and barriers to service provision. Surveys were assigned a unique identifier and all responses were confidential, but not anonymous as each agency provided the agency's name and the contact information for the person completing the survey. Agencies reported that Latino populations were being targeted by individual agencies, and rated access to spoken language interpretation as accessible. Within the region, four of the paid staff, (3%), were reported ~o be of Hispanic/Latino descent. As compared to other targeted groups mcluding both racial/ethnic groups and high-risk populations, Latinos were considered to experience the most barriers in accessing services. Most consistently these barriers included language, transportation, and stigm.a. As part of the oversight of the program demographic and other data is collected and reported to the lead agency that has fiscal responsibility for the CARE act program. This data was collected between January and December 2003 at the individual agencies as part of the normal tracking process and reported to RWCAP using existing reporting forms. This data was then entered into an Excel spreadsheet by the staff at RWCAP for their internal purposes and all identifying information was removed Focus Group It was then transferred to SPSS by the evaluation team. A review of this While secondary data had documented that individuals were accessing client service data was conducted specific to Latino issues. In calendar year services, and surveys of providers suggested that efforts were being made �90 / Assessing the Social Service Needs ofan Emerging Population ofRecen/ Mexican Immigrants Re,ista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journa/ primavera--0toiw I springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 I 91 living with, or at risk for, filVIAIDS to provide access to services for Latinos, it also appeared that substantial barriers continued to exist. To further clarify these issues data was collected in focus group made up of individuals who had been able to ac~ services. This focus group with Latine men and women was held at service providing agency. As compared to other groups that were convened in the needs assessment process, this was perhaps the most difficult group to coordinate due to the fact that many of the Latino clients utilizing services were reluctant to participate in a focus group of this kind. Though members ofthe needs assessment team began working with staffmembeis at an AIDS service organization in September 2003 to recruit potential participants, it took approximately seven months to finally recruit three participants, resulting in a focus group in March. The group was conducted in Spanish by a bilingual facilitator. All of the participants stated that their primary language was Spanish. The three participants mentioned different aspects of care that they have concems with, though all three stated that have concems regarding the delivery of services to Latino clients in the Nashville area. These concems included a lack of services specifically geared towards the Latino population as well as a need for increased bilingual and translation services for clients speaking Spanisb as their primary language. Participants also reported feeling a great deal of isolation from others and experiencing loneliness. Discussion This paper provides an example of a methodology used to assess the HIV/AIDS service needs of an emerging Mexican-American population. It sought, first, to describe the demographics of Latinos, particularly 3 newly emerging and rapidly growing Latino population in Tennessee. Second, the article describes salient factors in the research related to HIV1 AIDS risk among Latinos, such as Latino males at higher risk for HJV through intravenous drug use than White males, poverty, limited acc~ to healthcare services, and Latina females' significant STD/HIV/AJDS risk due to sex with an infected sexual partner. Other factors related to Latinos/as include younger sexual initiations, less consistent condolll use, andan association between alcohol and risky sexual behaviors were highlighted. Third, this article demonstrates an innovative method oí accessing 'and assessing the needs of individuals with HIV/ AIDS who traditionally have not participated in needs assessments (i.e., individuals unaware of their status; those that are aware, but not receiving medical care; those receiving medica! care, but not social services; and individuals receiving services but underrepresented in other needs assessments). Toe methodology consists of analyzing existing data sources, surveying service providers, and conducting focus groups of the target population. It is emphasized that, in this innovative technique, large quantitative study findings are reviewed to inform smaller, qualitative studies. This procedure is valuable in identifying and addressing cultural nuances of particular disenfranchised groups. Fourth, results are reported. Data from the first tier of analysis documented that extremely low numbers of Latino individuals were accessing services in proportion to the documented population numbers. Toe second tier of surveys with service providers found that Latino populations were being targeted by individual agencies, only 3% of the paid staff were reported to be of Latino/Latino descent, and compared to other groups, Latinos were considered to experience the most barriers in accessing services (i.e., language, transportation, and stigma). Focus groups further illuminated these barriers, yielding expressed concems regarding the delivery of services to Latino clients in the Nashville area including a lack of services specifically geared towards the Latino population as well as a need for increased bilingual and translation services for clients speaking Spanish as their primary language. Participants also reported feeling a great deal of isolation and loneliness. Clearly this study is not without lirnitations. The results are primarily instructive at the methodological level, rather than at the leve! of extrapolating the results to other similar populations. As such, they do provide the beginnings of the development of using mixed methods to assess social service needs of populations that are difficult to access and/or involve in needs assessments by systems that may not be culturally responsive to their specific needs. As such, these findings are suggestive of the critical importance of cultural responsiveness in not only developing and delivering services, but more importantly in assessing social service needs. Without information appropriately noting the needs,. program.ming cannot be adequately delivered. Programs must be built that actively promotes the use of culturally responsive constructs at every leve! �92 / Assessing the Social Service Needs ofan Emerging Population ofRecen/ Mexican lmmigrants Revista Perspectivas Scciales I Social Perspectives Journal primavera--0toño I springfa/12()()4, Vo/.6, Num. / y 21 93 living with, oral risk for, HIV/AIDS of development. Creative methods of engaging members of the target population in the fonnulation, desi:n and adaptation of services, with special attention to recruitment and access issues, ~an greatly. enhan~ service provision with Latinos, or any other emergmg populatlo~. ~ issue is especially important in light of the growth of the populat1ons m the U.S. and the continuing spread ofHIV/AIDS. References Bhandari, S. (2004). The Survey of Income and Program Participation: People with Health Insurance: A Comparison of Estimates from Two Surveys, 243, U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, D.C. Boozer, M.A. & T.J. Philipson (2000). "The Impact ofPublic Testing for Human Immunodeficiency Virus", The Journal of Human Resources, vol. 35, no. 3, pp. 419-446. Collins, R. L. (1995). "Issues ofEthnicity in Research on the Prevention of SubstanceAbuse", in G. J. Botvin, S. P. Schinke & M. A. Orlandi (Eds.), Drug Abuse Prevention with Multiethnic Youth (pp. 28-45), Thousand 0aks, CA, Sage. Gloria, A. M. & J.J. Peregoy (1996). "Counseling Latino Alcohol and Other Substance Users/Abusers: Cultural Considerations far Counselors ", Joumal of Substance Abuse Treatment, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 119-126. Trimble, J. E. (1995). "Toward an Understanding ofEthnicity and Ethnic ldentity, and their Relationship with Drug Use Research ", in G. J. Botvin, S. P. Schinke & M. A. Orlandi (Eds.), Drug Abuse Prevention with Multiethnic Youth, Thousand Oak.s, CA, Sage, pp. 3-27. Centers for Disease Control (2003). HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report: 2002, vol. 14, no. l. Centers for Disease Control (2002). HIV/AIDS Among Hispanics in the United States, Washington, D.C., DHHS. COSSMHO (National Coalition ofHispanic Health and Human Service Organizations). (1991). HIV/AIDS- Toe impact on Hispanics in selected states, Washington, D.C., COSSMHO. Finer, L.B.; J.E. Darroch & S. Singh (1999). "Sexual Partnership Patterns_ as a Behavioral Risk Factor far Sexual/y Transmitted Diseases ", Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 31, no. 5, pp. 228-236. �94 / Assessing the Social Service Needs ofan Emerging Population ofRecent Mexican lmmigrants Living with, oral riskfor, HIY/AIDS Guzman, B. (2001). Toe Hispanic Population, Washington, D.C., U.S. Census Bureau. Neff, J.A.; S.L. Crawford & S.A. MacMaster (2002). "Ethnicity ami mu/tiple sex partners: An application ofthe health belief model ", Joumal ofHIV/AIDS & Social Services, vol. 3, pp. 41 - 65. '~ ,, O'Donnell, L.; C.R. O'Donnell & A. Stueve (200 l ). "Early Sexual Jnitiation and Subsequent Sex-Related Jf.isks among Urban Minority Youth: The Reachfor Health Study ", Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 33, no. 6, pp. 268-275. Ramirez, R.R. & G.P. de la Cruz (2003). The Hispanic Population in the United States: March 2002, Current Population Reports, P20-545, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, D.C. Schmidley, A. D. (2001). Profile of the Foreign Bom Population in the United States: 2000 (No. P23-206), Washington D.C., U.S. Census Bureau. Schneider, C.L. (l 998). "Racism, Drug Policy, and AJDS", Political Science Quarterly, vol. 113 no. 3, pp. 427-446. . .. .. . Therrien, M. & R.R. Ramirez (2000). The Hispanic Population of the United States, Washington D.C., U.S. Census Bureau. Sly, D.F.; D. Quadagno; D.F. Harrisson; I. Eberstein & K. Riehman (1997). "The Association Between Substance Use, Condom Use and Sexual RiskAmong Low-Income Women ", Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 29, no. 3, pp. 132-136. U.S. Census Bureau (2004). U.S. Interim Projections by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin, retrieved from the World Wide Web at http://www. census.gov/ipc/www. usinterimproj/> U.S. Census Bureau (2002). Facts on the Hispanic or Latino Population, retrieved from the World Wide Web at http://www.census.gov/pubinfo/ www/NEWhispMLl .html //elirla Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-otoiw / spring-fa/1 2004, 101.6, Num. J y 2 / 95 Zule, W.A. ; D.P. Desmond; M.A. Medrano & J.P. Hatch (2001 ). "Acculturation and Risky lnjection Practices among Hispanic lnjectors ", Evaluation and Program Planning, vol. 24, no. 2, pp. 207-214 �Re,ista Pmpectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera--0toño I springfal/ 20()4, Vo/.6, Num. 1 y 2 I 97 Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search of a Theoretical Model Héctor Luis Díaz* Resumen Este trabajo se basa en un análisis secundario de datos recopilados mediante un estudio transeccional que intentaba explorar las asociaciones entre aculturación, estrés y consumo de alcohol en una muestra no-probabilística de cien puertorriqueños que residen en el estado de Massachussets. El presente artículo pretende ofrecer una mayor comprensión de la validez del "modelo de aculturación", del "modelo de estrés por aculturación" y de la "teoría del conflicto cultural" en el caso de consumidores de alcohol procedentes de Puerto Rico. Se analiza, además, hasta qué grado estos diferentes modelos teóricos constituyen mejoras al compararlos con el método tradicional que combina unas cuantas variables independientes consideradas claves para explicar y predecir el abuso de alcohol entre puertorriqueños. Los resultados de este análisis secundario de datos no demostraron ninguna asociación significativa entre niveles de aculturación y consumo de alcohol ni tampoco entre aculturación y estrés. Se encontraron relaciones débiles entre tipos específicos de estrés y consumo de alcohol. Los resultados no sostienen, por lo tanto, al modelo de aculturación y ofrecen sólo un soporte endeble para el modelo de estrés por aculturación opara la teoría de conflicto cultural. Al mismo tiempo el estudio detectó asociaciones más fuertes entre nivel educativo, lugar de nacimiento, tiempo de residencia en los Estados Unidos, color de la piel y cons~o de alcohol. Sobre esta base se recomienda rechazar modelos demasiado simples y desarrollar en su lugar modelos teóricos multivariados y para • H,' ector Luis Díaz is Assistant Professor ofSocial Work at The University o/Texas at Arlington. His email address is: hdiaz@uta.edu; This author expresses his appreciation to Manuel García y Griego, Roberto Treviño, Christian Z/oniski and Alejandro del Carmen, research associates for the Center of Mexican-American Studies at The University of Texas at Arlington.for their va/uable suggestions on an earlier version ofthis article. �98 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search ofa Theoretica/ Model grupos étnicos específicos. Se discuten finalmente las implicaciones para las políticas públicas a las que lleva la identificación de factores del abuso de alcohol entre puertorriqueños. Abstract A secondary analysis of data was conducted on a cross-sectional survey conducted by the author. Toe original survey aimed at exploring the associations between the acculturation, stress and alcohol consumption of a non-probability sample of 100 Puerto Ricans residing in the state of Massachusetts. Toe current article aims at providing insights into the validity of the "acculturation model", the "acculturative stress model" and "culture con:flict theory" for Puerto Rican alcohol users. Furthennore this article explores the extent to which these different theoretical modeJs represent an improvement over the traditional method of combining a few key independent variables in an effort to explain and predict alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans. The findings of this secondary analysis of data revealed no significant associations between levels of acculturation and alcohol consumption or between acculturation and stress. Weak associations were found between specific types of stress and alcohol use. The findings of this study provide no support for the acculturation model and little support for the acculturative stress model or culture conflict theory. At the same time findings revealed stronger associations between levels of education, place ofbirth, length ofresidence in the U. S., skin color, and alcohol use. As a result, reliance on overly simplistic models is discouraged and the development of ethnic group-specific and multivariate theoretical models is highly recommended. Policy implications are discussed of identifying predictors of alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans. Introduction Latinos represent one of the fastest-growing population subgroups in the United States with arate of growth much higher than the rate of the general population (Schodilski, 2003) According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census (2001), in the year 2000 there were 32.8 millionLatinos living in the United States. Nevertheless, dueto alleged census undercount, oth· fle>i,Ja Pmpectiva! Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera--0toño / spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 21 99 ers estimate tbe number of Latinos in the United States at approximately 37 million (Schodilski, 2003). The Puerto Rican community represents the second largest Latino group in the continental United States and accounts for approximately 9% of all Latinos in tbe country. This amounts to approximately 3 million people. This figure, however, does not include the almost 4 miIlion people who live in Puerto Rico (U .S. Bureau of the Census, 2001). Tbe incidence of alcohol abuse and alcoholism within the Puerto Rican population is dispropertionately bigb when compared to the general population. As early as 1976, it was found that the deatb rate dueto alcohol abuse among the mostly Puerto Rican population of East Harlem, New York, was 4.8 times the state average (Alcoholism, 1981). Nielsen (2000: 301) found that "Puerto Ricans and Mexican-Americans drink more often and heavily and experience more problems" tban other Latino groups. Johnson and Delgado (I 989) reported that by age 18, 46% of Puerto Ricans nationwide have used alcohol and 20% have used cocaine. A national survey found that 24% of Puerto Ricans engage in heavy drinking as compared to 14% for the general population (Caetano, 1988; Cabalan and Room, 1974). The policy pertinence of this problem stems out of its potential for eventually reaching catastrophic proportions. Such danger dictates that social workers and other helping professionals should work diligently to identify factors contributing to the incidence and prevalence of this health and social ailment. The study of factors associated with alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans has practical and tbeoretical implications. On one side, practitioners seek to design and implement interventions tbat can effectively ameliorate the problem. Social and ,ehavioral researchers, on the other hand, seek to identify psychosocial factors associated with the alcohol consumption of Puerto Ricans and other Latinos in order to inform policy making and the delivery of services. A review of the available literature 0 n the subject reveals unanswered research questions that have lead to an academic debate. Does the alcohol consumption of Latinos in the United States increase as they become more acculturated to the dominant culture of the United States and as they engage in adopted culture-specific be- . haviors? Is the high alcohol consumption of Latinos primarily the result of the stresses that accompany the acculturation experience? Is high �) 00 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search ofa Theoretical Model alcohol consumption the result of partial acculturation, marginalization and culture confl.ict? This study makes a contribution to this academic discussion that also has practica! implications. Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jow-na/ primaverQ-Qtoña / springfa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I l Ol ity status within this country, the mixed and confl.icting messages they receive from the U. S. dominant society, and from the confl.icting ways in which they often perceive themselves and the way they are perceived by the general population. Uniqueness of the Puerto Rican Experience Puerto Ricans were selected to be the main focus of this study because of a combination ofcharacteristics and circumstances that make their experience significantly di:fferent from the experience of other Latino groups. Puerto Ricans represent the only Latino group coming to the United States from a territory that has been a colony for more than 500 years. Puerto Rico was a colony of Spain for 405 years and it has been a territory or colony of the United States for more than a century (Grosfogel, 2003; Pérez y González, 2000). This long history of social oppression is not necessarily a predictor of alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans but, in our view, must be considered part of the macro context of the Puerto Rican experience, which may infl.uence their drinking behaviors in indirect ways. According to the existing literature, Puerto Ricans in the United States experience very severe health, employment, farnily and social dysfunction problems. After describing the progress and upward mobility associated with most Latino groups in the United States, Chavez (1991) made reference to the Puerto Rican exception. Reportedly, the Puerto Rican cornmunity trails ali other Latino groups in almost all indicators of progress and well-being, and it seores lower than African-Arnericans on sorne indicators (Chavez, 1991). Toe Puerto Rican experience in the United States is also char· acterized by high levels of stress associated with low social status, dark skin color, and Indian or African physical features (Montalvo, 1991), problems with ethnic identification (Mizio, 1979), racial biases that originate within the Puerto Rican community (Betances, 1993), and the adherence to cultural values such as machismo, which conflict with dominant U.S. values (Kane, 1981; Panitz, et al., 1983). Thomas (1981), Manrique (1966), Rives Tovar (1980), Rodríguez (1980), Mohr (1982), and Steiner (1974) have also described the feelings of ambivalence, rejection, and identity confusion of Puerto Ricans that seem to result froin Puerto Rico 's colonial relationship with the United States, their minor- The above information strongly suggests that Puerto Ricans in the United States experience high levels of distress. At the same time, Puerto Ricans tend to be highly acculturated to the U.S. dominant culture given that even Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico have been highly exposed to the U.S. Anglo culture for more than a century. For these reasons, it seemed logical to investigate their experiences of acculturation and stress as possible factors contributing to their alcohol abuse. Theoretical Framework Research studies suggest that addiction to alcohol and other drugs is influenced by biological, genetic, cultural and environmental factors (Gottheil et al., 1983; Bettes et al., 1990; Johnson & Delgado, 1989). Nevertheless, in recent years there has been an increased interest in studying acculturation as a possible predictor of alcohol consumption among Latinos in the United States. Two models have emerged in an attempt to explain the high incidence of alcohol abuse and alcoholism among Latinos. The first is the acculturative stress model, which asserts that Latinos will consume more alcohol as a result of the stresses that accompany the acculturation process (Markides, Ray, Stroup-Benham, & Treviño, 1990; Wurzman, et. al., 1983; Fernández-Pol, et. al., 1985; Langrod, et al. 1981; Galán, 1981; Zayas, Rojas and Malgady, 1998; Rodríguez-Rivera, 2000). The second is the acculturation model, which proposes that increased alcohol drinking among Latinos will simply reflect the extent to which they have adopted the drinking norrns and practices of the host/dorninant society (Markides et al., 1990; Welte and Barnes, 1995; Kail and Zayas, 2000). The acculturative stress model would lead one to expect a higher incidence of alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans experiencing higher levels of stress. According to this model, higher levels of stress should affect individuals in the rniddle of the acculturation continuum given that �103 102 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search o/a Theoretical Model ,Jle,islil Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño I spring-fa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. 1y 2 / they are most likely to experience problems of confusion, unclear cultural identity, and rejection by members of the dominant groups in society and by their ethnic group of origin. Toe model proposes that confusion and rejection represent the basis for problem or excessive drinking. an improvement over traditional approaches as they attempt to explain and predict alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans. On the other hand, the acculturation model would lead us to expect the frequency of alcohol consumption of Puerto Ricans to increase with higher levels of acculturation. This model proposes that alcohol consumption increases in frequency simply because Latinos are imitating the drinking behavior of members of the host/dominant society (Galván & Caetano, 2003). This model builds on the observation that iJl Latín America men tend to drink alcohol in larger amounts but with less frequency than their counterparts in the United States. As they become more Americanized or acculturated, they often end up adopting drinking pattems that combine the amounts of alcohol they used to consume per episode in their countries of origin with the frequency of drinking more characteristic of the United States. As a result, their overall alcohol consumption increases signi.ficantly. Culture Conflict Theory is the third model making up the theoretical framework for this study (Galán, 1981). This theory agrees with the Acculturative Stress Model in propesing that individuals in the middle of the acculturation continuum are most likely to engage in excessive drinking. According to this perspective, individuals experiencing confl.icts between the norms and behaviors of their culture of origin and the cultural norms and behaviors oftheir new host/dominant society, are most likely to experience high levels of distress and to become marginalized. It has been proposed that such condition of marginalization and high stress will lead to excessive drinking. The primary purpose ofthis article is to take the previously-mentioned debate a step further by exploring the phenomenon of alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans, a subgroup of the Latino population in the United States with a unique combination of problems and characteristics. This article attempts to provide insights into the validity of the "acculturation model", the "acculturative stress model" and "culture conflict theory" when applied to the experience ofPuerto Ricans. This article also intends to explore the extent to which these different theoretical models repre·sent Methodology This article is based on a secondary analysis of data of an exploratory and descriptive study conducted utilizing a cross-sectional survey. The survey relied on a non-probability sample of one hundred Puerto Rican alcohol users. Subjects were contacted with the assistance of agencies providing a range of alcoholism and other services to Latinos in the cities ofHolyoke, Leominster, Springfield, Westboro and Worcester, Massachusetts. An effort was made to include males and females and Puerto Ricans bom in Puerto Rico and in the United States. Subjects carne from the staff and client populations of two community-based social service agencies servicing primarily Puerto Ricans and other Latinos, an outpatient substance abuse program within a mental health center, and from a residential treatment and detoxification center for alcoholics and other drug addicts. These different sources of subject referrals were utilized in an effort to obtain a diverse sample. The eligibility criteria for participation in this study were: at least one of the subject's parents needed to be Puerto Rican, subjects had to be at least 18 years of age, and they were expected to consume alcoholic beverages. A decision was made to exclude Puerto Ricans who completely abstained from alcohol because usually those who abstain for religious or other value-based reasons may not drink alcohol regardless of their leve! of acculturation or leve! of acculturative stress. Consequently, they would make it impossible for us to discover if there is co-variation between alcohol consumption and other variables. Subjects who volunteered to participate in this study were required to sign a consent form in either English or Spanish. None of them were paid for their participation. Many of them had never received treatment fortheir alcohol use, others were initiating treatment and others were near the completion of it. In ali cases, however, data was collected on drinking behaviors prior to treatment or current treatment. Study participants were highly cooperative during the interviews, Which usually !asted between 30 and 45 minutes. Only seven individuals �l 04 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search o/a Theoretical Model who were invited to participate refused to do it for various personal reasons. This researcher personally conaucted all l 00 interviews in an effort to ensure consistency in the explanation of concepts, promote accuracy, and make possible the participation of subjects with limited orno reading skills. Interviews were conducted in either English or Spanish depending on the preference of the subject. The data collection was completed before the Christmas holidays in order to avoid changes in drinking pattems due to the holiday season. Toe collected data can be classified into four categories: 1. Anonymous demographic information. 2. Information about the frequency and amount of alcohol and other drugs consumed. 3. Information about culture-related behaviors, which were used to determine levels of acculturation. 4. Information about behaviors and recent experiences, which were used to measure levels of acculturative stress. .. . ... .. Operationa/ Definitions 1. Puerto Rican. Person of with at least one Puerto Rican parent and who identi:fies himselfi'herself as such. 2. Acculturation. Process through which the values and behaviors associated with a person's culture of origin, are replaced with the values and behaviors of a new culture. A score on the LAECA acculturation scale ranging from 1 to 5 indicated degree of acculturation. A score of one was indicative of maximum traditionalism while a score of:five was indicative of maximum accultura tion. 3. Traditional Puerto Rican- Participant with a score between 1 and 1.75 on the LAECAacculturation scale. 4. Fully Acculturated Puerto Rican- Participant with a score between 3.26 and 5 on the LAECA acculturation scale. 5. Partially Acculturated Puerto Rican-Participant with a score between 1.76 and 3.25 on the LAECA acculturation scale. 6. Length ofResidence-number of years the person has lived in the United States. /WltaPe,spec!iva, Sociales / Social Perspectives Journal primavera--0toñol spring-fall 2004. Vo/.6, Num. 1Y 2 I l 05 7. A drink- an ounce of hard liquor, four ounces of wine or 12 ounces of beer. Approximately 9 grams of absolute alcohol. 8. Frequency ofDrinking- number of days per month the person consumes alcoholic beverages. 9. Arnount of Drinking- number of drinks a person consumes in a 24-hour period. 10. Acculturative Stress- Stress resulting from trying to adapt to a new cultural environrnent as indicated by a score on the Hispanic Stress Inventory, version I or II. Toe subscales that make up the Hispanic Stress Inventory measure Econornic/Occupational Stress, Family/Cultural Conflict Stress, Marital Stress, and Parental Stress. Version I of the stress inventory also contains a subscale, which measures Immigration Stress. Standardized seores (Z seores) were used to compare overall acculturation stress given that version I on the inventory contained five sub scales while version two contained only four. lnstrumentation Aquestionnaire developed by this researcher was utilized to collect demographic information and information about the frequency and amount of alcohol consumed by each subject. Toe instrument utilized to measure levels of acculturation is the Los Angeles Epiderniological Catchment Area (LAECA) Acculturation Scaie, which was developed by Burnam, Telles, Kamo, Hough and Escobar (1987). The 26-item scale covers language familiarity and usage, ethnic interactions, activities that refl.ect lifestyle and culture-related traditions, ethnic identification and ethnic background. Possible scale seores range from one to five. A score of one (1) represents the lowest anda score of five (5) represents the highest level of acculturation. The instrument's construct validity was evidenced by the strong relationship thatwas found between acculturation and generation leve! among United States-bom Latinos, and between acculturation and number of years residing in the United States among irnrnigrant Latinos. Levels of acculturative stress were measured by the Hispanic Stress Inventory, which was developed and validated by Cervantes, Padilla, and Salgado de Snyder (1991 ). The instrument was found to �l 06 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerta Ricans: In Search o/a Theoretical Model .- Re,i,ta Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoño / springja/12004, Vo/.6, Num. 1y 2 / 107 possess content, construct, and criterion validity. Two versions of this inventory were created, one for immigrants and one for Latinos boro in the United States. The first one was administered to Puerto Ricans bom in P,uerto Rico and the second one to Puerto Ricans bom in the United States. Both versions ofthe inventory include subscales, which measure occupational/economic stress, parental stress, marital stress, and cultural1 family conflict. In addition, the version for Latino immigrants includesa subscale, which measures immigration stress. Standardized seores were calculated for all stress seores. This was necessary to make possible the comparison of seores from versions l and 2 ofthe Hispanic Stress Inventory. Version 1, which was administered to subjects bom in Puerto Rico, contains 73 questions, and possible seores may range from 73 to 365. Version 2, which was administered to subjects bom in the United States, contains 59 questions, and its seores could range from 59 to 295. Toe LAECA acculturation scale as well as the Hispanic Stre&1 Inventory were validated with Latino subjects from different ethnic back· grounds but had not been validated specifically for Puerto Ricans. For this reason, both instruments were pre-tested by the principal investiga· tor with a group of Puerto Rican subjects prior to their use in this study and both were considered to possess face validity for Puerto Ricans by three different experts on Puerto Rican culture. In items 18 and 20-26 of the LAECA scale the word "Hispanic" was replaced with the words "Puerto Rican," and the words "country of origin" were replaced wiili the words ''Puerto Rico." Criteria that influenced the selection of these two instruments included their clarity, easy scoring system, and the fact that instruments elicit data, which can be used to conduct sophisticated statistical tests. Findings ChronbachAlpha reliability tests were performed on all measure· ment instruments. Toe alpha leve! of reliability for the LAECA accultUJa· tion scale was 0.93. The alpha leve! of reliability for the Hispanic Stres.s Inventory (version 1) was 0.93 while the reliability leve! for version 2of the same instrument was 0.91. Data Analysis The strategy for data analysis in this study included running frequencies, correlations, multiple regressions, T tests, Analyses of Variance, Multivariate Analysis ofVariance and Chi Squares were utilized on tbe full sample and on various sub-samples. This facilitated the comparison of subjects and subgroups on the bases of: male vs. female and Puerto Rico-boro vs. United States-bom. Comparisons were also made between subjects with low, medium and high levels of acculturation. Relationship be~een Acculturation Levels and Frequency of Alcohol Consumption · Findings suggest that partially acculturated Puerto Ricans do not drink more or less often than those who are traditional or highly acculturated. Furthermore, an Analysis of Variance, correlations, and multiple regressions strongly suggest that no significant relationship exists between acculturation and frequency of alcohol consumption for this sample. Table l lists the mean frequency of alcohol consumption for sample subjects by acculturation group. Table 1: Acculturation and Frequency ofAlcohol Consumption Mean Seores Acculturation Level N Drinking Days per Month Low 26 19.2 Partía! 60 14.9 High 14 18.5 F(2, 97)== 1.4, p=0.25 A One Way Analysis of Variance comparing the means for the three acculturation groups found no significant differences in mean number of drinking days per month (see Table 1). At the same time, acculturation score did not contribute significantly to variances on number of drinking days per month in multiple regressions conducted on the full sample and on sub-samples by gender, place of birth, and acculturation levels. Toe only variable which made a significant contribution to variances in number of drinking days per �108 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search ofa 1ñeoretical Model month was number of drinks per day, T=3.60, p<0.01. Relationship between Leve/ of Acculturation and Amount of Alcohol Consumed per Day A One Way Analysis ofVariance revealed no significant differences in the amount of alcohol consumed per day by members of the three acculturation groups, as shown in table 2. Furthennore, no signi:ficant correlations were found between acculturation score and number of alcohol drinks per day for the full sample or for any of the three acculturation-groups. Table 2: Acculturation Leve! and Number ofDrinks per Day Mean Seores Acculturation Leve} n Number of drinks per day Low 26 20.0 Partial 60 21.5 High 14 14.4 F(2, 97)=0.68, p=0.51 Toe mean number of drinks per month by acculturation group was calculated by multiplying the number of drinks per day, times the number of drinking days per month for each subject in the sample. No statistically significant differences were found, as shown on Table 3. Table 3: Acculturation and Monthly Alcohol Consumption Acculturation Level N Mean Number of Alcohol Drinks per Month Low 26 478 Partial 60 463 High 14 317 F(2,97)=0.33, p=0.72 Relationship between Levels ofAcculturation and Stress Partially acculturated Puerto Ricans in the sample <lid not report sig· ni:ficantly different levels of acculturative stress than more traditional or acculturated subjects. Mean standardized stress seores (Z seores) were calculated for l/eviJlllPmpeclivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño / springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 I 109 each acculturation group. Standardized stress seores were needed in order to compare the seores of versions I and II of the Hispanic Stress Inventory (Table 4). Table 4: Acculturation Levels and Mean Standardized Stress Seores Acculturation Level N Mean Z Stress Seores Low 26 0.026 Partial 60 -0.002 High 14 -0.040 F(2,97)=0.04, p=0.96 The previousANOVA found mean Z stress seores by acculturation group not to be significantly different. Furthermore, no significant correlations were found between Z stress seores and acculturation seores. In order to further assess the relationship between_acculturation and stress, a Multivariate Analysis ofVariance was perfonned. The mean seores for the stress subscales by level of acculturation are found in Table 5. Table 5: Acculturation Levels and Mean Seores for Different Types of Stress Acculturation Level N Mean Seores on Types of Stress Economic/ Family/ Marital Parental Occupational Cultural Low 26 28.9 42.2 31 .1 22.8 Partial 60 34.1 47.5 32.7 21.4 High 14 32.7 58.8 35.5 23.8 F(8,182)=2.71, p<0.01 The previous analysis found significant differences among different types of stressors by acculturation group. Family/Cultural Confl.ict stress was the subscale primarily responsible for these differences F(2,94)=6.15, p<0.01. As observed in the previous table, highly acculturated subjects reported the highest levels of family/cultural confüct stress. �111 11 O / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search o/a Theoretical Model Wta Pmpectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives } ()IJ111al primavera--0/oño / spring-fall 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I Relationship between Leve/ ofEducation and Alcohol Drinking Overall alcohol consumption for Puerto Ricans in the sample was found to decrease as their levels of educatien increased. Significant differences were also found in terms ofnumber ofd.rinks per day and drinking days per month for the three educational groups that subjects were assigned to. Frequency ofalcohol consumption was found to slightly increase along with length of residence in the United States only among subjects bom in the United States, r=0.37, p=0.03, and light skin subjects, r=0.28, p==0.04. Subjects were categorized according to their level of education. The mean number of drinking days per month and drinks per day were then calculated as shown in Table 6. Relationship between Acculturative Stress and Alcohol/Drug Use A decision was made to also look for associations between stress and illegal drug use due to the fact that alcohol users often supplement or substitute alcohol use with illegal drug use. Table 6: Educational Level and Mean Frequency and Amou.nt ofAlcohol Consumption Educational Level N Days Drinking Drinks per Day Drinks perMonth per Month Grades 1 to 6 12 25.0 35.3 932 Grades 7 to 12 72 16.5 20.0 433 Grades 13 to 19 16 9.8 9.5 142 F(6,190)=3.22, p<.01 As observed on the previous table, a Multivariate Analysis of Variance found significant differences in alcohol consumption among educational groups. More specifically, the analysis revealed that educational groups in the sample are significantly different in terms of their average number of drinking days per month F(2,97)=6.37, p<.01, their average number ofalcohol d.rinks consumed per <lay F(2,97)=5.89, p<.01, and their average number of drinks per month F(2,97)=5.77, p<.01. A negative weak correlation was found between years of education and drinking days per month for the full sample of Puerto Rican alcohol users, r= -.29, p=.05. Relationship between Length ofResidence in the United States and Alcohol Drinking A weak positive correlation was found between length of residence in tbe United States and number of d.rinks per day for the full sample, r=0.19, p=0.03. At the same time, a Multiple Regression found Length of residence in the United States not to be a significant predictor of number of drinks per day, T= -0.112, p=0.9 l. Pearson correlations on the full sample (n=I00) found positive but weak correlations between overall stress seores and number of alcohol drinks per <lay, r=0.38, p<0.01 , the number of drinking days per month, r-0.19, p=0.03, and the number of days per month of illegal drug use, r-0.27, p<0.0l. An analysis of the association between specific stressors and alcohol/drug use for the full sample found positive but weak correlations between Economic/ Occupational Stress and number of drinks per day, r-0.29,p<0.01, numberof drinking days per month, r=0.22, p=0.03, and frequency of illegal drug use, r=0.22, p=0.03. Weak positive correlations were also found between Family/Cultural Conflict Stress and number of drinks per day, r=0.24, p=0.02, and frequencyofillegal druguse, r=0.28, p=<0.01 . Parental Stress was weakly correlated only to number of alcohol drinks per day, r=0.26, p=0.01. Stress and Alcohol/drug Use by Leve/ ofAcculturation An exploration of the association between alcohol/drug use, stress and level of acculturation revealed: l. Only partially acculturated subjects had a tendency to consume more drinks per <lay as their stress levels went up, r=0.46, p<0.01. 2. The number of drinking days per month significantly increased as Z stress seores went up only among highly acculturated subjects, r=0.64, p<0.01. �112 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Searr:h ofa Theoretical Model 3. Standardized stress seores were found to be a significan! predictor of frequency of illegal drug use only among partially acculturated subjects, F==7.82, p<0.01. This researcber proceeded to explore tbe associations between alcoboVillegal drug use and particular types of stress, by leve] of acculturation. Toe findings of sucb exploration suggest tbat: 1. Economic/Occupational Stress is strongly correlated witb number of drinkin·_ -iays per montb only among higbly ac culturated subjects. . .51, p==0.03. 2. Family/Cultural C , .·et Stress was weak.ly correlated witb number of drinks p.; J ay only among partially acculturated subjects, r=.34, p<O.(J .' . 3. Family/Cultural S1ress was weakly correlated witb number of drinking days ·,er month among partially acculturated subjects, r=.30, p=-0.01. 4. Family/Cultural Conflict Stress was a significant predictor of number of drinking days per month only for partially acculturated subjerts, t==2.15, p=0.04. 5. Marital Stress was '" eakly correlated with number of drinks per day, r=0.22, P'-·P 045 and number of drinking days per montb, r=0.22, p=U.05, only among partially acculturated subjects. 6. Marital Stress was, ·cakly correlated witb frequency ofillegal drug use only am og low acculturation subjects, r=0.33, p<0.05. 7. Parental Stress wc: <; weakly correlated with number of drinks per day only amo·1g partially acculturated subjects, r=0.41, p<0.01. 8. Parental Stress wa.'> a significant predictor ofnumber of drinks per day only for partially acculturated subjects, t==2.42, p==0.02. 1/evista Penpeclivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño/ springfa/1 2004, 'fól.6, Num. J y 2 / 113 Discussion Limitations of this Study Toe limitations of tbis study include its reliance on a non-probability sample and the small size of sorne sub-samples. Tbese conditions compromise externa! validity and increase the likelihood of sampling error. We must remember, bowever, tbat as an exploratory study, tbe primary objective ofthis piece ofwork is to provide insigbts and identify associations between variables tbat could be furtber studied in future researcb and not to generalize findings to a larger population. 0 Potential Sources ofSample Bias An effort was made to identify potential sources of sample bias given that the study did not rely on a random sample. Factors taken into account for tbis analysis include: L Self-selection for participation in the study Reliance on voluntary participation may have diminished the likelihood of obtaining false or inaccurate infonnation but at the same time it may bave also lead to sampling bias. 2. Place ofbirth As shown in tbe following table, the percentage of sample subjects boro in Puerto Rico and the United States is no representative of those percentages at the county, state and national levels. Our sample was, for the most part, bom in Puerto Rico. Table 7: Puerto Ricans by Place of Residence and Place ofBirth Location of Born in Bom in the U. S. Totals Concentration Puerto Rico n % n % n Two County Area 34,266 55 28,063 45 62,363* Massachusetts 81,644 55 68, 036 45 151,193* United States 1,190,533 44 1,537,221 56 2,727,754* Ü__!!r Samele 74 74 26 26 ' 100 *Census Bureau (1990) % 100 100 100 100- �114 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search ofa 7ñeoretica/ Model Re,ista Perspectivos Sociales / Social Perspectives Journal primavertHJtoño / springfa/1 2004. Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / Our sample was drawn from human service agencies located in Hampden and Worcester counties in the State ofMassachusetts. Seventyfour percent of subjects in this study's sample were born in Puerto Rico and 26% were born in the United States. Toe above-mentioned data shows that Puerto Rico-bom subjects were over-represented in this study. lt is not known, however, what percentage of the overall Puerto Rico-born population consumes alcohol and to what extent they are represented in this research sample. 115 Table 9: Mean Acculturative Stress Seores for Two Different Samples According to the Hispanic Stress Inventory 3. Gender An attempt was made to discover if the gender composition ofthis study's sample was representative of the larger county, state, and national Puerto Rican population. Table 8 summarizes data dealing with gender. Sample of Latinos from Different Countries Immigrant U.S. Bom (n=305) (n=l88) HIS Total 122.06 96.22 Marital 21.41 19.06 Econ/Occ 24.98 21.42 Parental 17.07 11.77 Fam/Cul 25.57 43.97 Immigrant 33.02 *** Table 8: Puerto Ricans by Place ofResidence and Gender Residence Male Female Total N % n % n Massachusetts 72,822 48.16 78,371 51.84 151,193* United States 1,332,101 48.83 1,395,653 51.16 2,727,754* Our Sample 66 66.00 34 34.00 100 *Census Bureau (I 990) The data used in the previous table was obtained from Cervantes, Padilla, & Salgado de Snyder (1991) and from the current study. The data shows that this study's sample of Puerto Rican alcohol users had higher levels of every type of stress than the sample of Latinos interviewed for the validation ofthe Hispanic Stress Inventory. We do not know, however, how many of the 493 Latinos who participated in the validation of the Hispanic Stress Inventory were alcohol drinkers or illegal drug users. % 100 100 100 The previous table clearly shows that males were over represented in our study. However, it is not known with precision, what is the proportion of male and female alcohol users in the general Puerto Rican population. 4. Stress levels Acculturative stress seores for Puerto Rican alcohol users in this study's sample were compared to the seores of a group of 493 Latinos who partieipated in the process of validation for the Hispanic Stress Inventory. Stress Seores Sample of Puerto Rican Alcohol Users Immigrant U.S.Bom (n=74) (n=26) 154.32 152.27 31.72 31.27 28.27 38.19 24.93 14.04 33.40 68.77 36.00 *** 5. Sampling strategy The fact that most subjects in this study were contacted through alcohol and/or drug treatment centers suggests that this sample contained more heavy alcohol drinkers than the general population and people who are more self aware about their drinking. 6. Other demographie charaeteristies . Subjects in the sample of Latinos who participated in the validatfon of the Hispanie Stress Inventory were residents of Los Angeles, California and were chosen for partieipation through self-selection. Three hundred and five (305) were immigrants and 188 were born in the United States. Table 10 compares that sample of Latinos with the sample of Puerto Ricans included in our study in relation to key characteristics. �116 ~ / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search o/a Theoretical Model Table 10: Two Samples ofLatinos Compared on Key Characteristics Demographic Latinos from Different Countries Puerto Rican Alcohol Characteristics who Participated in the Validation Users who Participated in of the Hispanic Stress lnventory the Current Study Gender (66%) 66 255 (52%) Male (34%) 34 238 (48%) Female Age 18 - 66 years 17 - 56 years Range 34 years 23 years Mean Education 10 years 13 years Mean $795 for farnily $464 per person Monthly income Marital status 18% 13.6% Married 34% 79.6% Single 26% 4.0% Divorced 22% Common-law *** l/evirla Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journal primavera-otoño I spring-fa/1 2004, Vol. 6, Num. 1y 2 / 117 These findings make evident the difficulties associated with trying to make empirical generalizations about Puerto Ricans in the United States. They also highlight the limitations and inadequacies of existing overly simplistic models attempting to describe and predict the drinking behaviors of Puerto Ricans and other Latinos in the United States. in the process of validation for the Hispanic Stress lnventory is different from this project's sample of Puerto Rican alcohol users in severa! ways. Toe Puerto Rican sample exhi-_ited higher levels of stress, a higher proportion of males, older age, lower level of education, higher income, and higher percentages of married and divorced individuals. The findings of this study raise the question of whether existing models attempting to explain and predict alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans and other Latinos represent an improvement over a demographic characteristics model researchers could create by combining a few key variables. Our study findings, our literature review and the feedback received from colleagues suggest that factors such as leve! of education, income, place ofbirth, length ofresidence in the United States, religious affiliation and levels of religiosity may be as effective at predicting alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans as any of the most commonly used theoretical models. A reason why none of the models forming the theoretical framework for this study seem to possess great predictive validity related to alcohol abuse among Puerto Ricans may be that they do not tak:e into account differences in cultural backgrounds and in the particular migration and survival experiences in the United States. Consequently, an appropriate course of action for social workers and other social and behavioral scientists may be to work on the development of multivariate theoretical models that are ethnic group specific and sensitive to the uniqueness of experiences of individuals within those groups. It is hoped that this article will represent a step towards that goal. Implications for Theory and Research lmplications for Policy As observed on table 1O, the sample of Latinos who participated Findings from this study provide no support for the acculturation model, Toe statistics related to alcohol abuse and alcoholism presented at the and little support for the Acculturative Stress Model and for Culture beginning of this article clearly show that alcohol abuse among Puerto Conflict Theory. No significant findings were made suggesting an as· Ricans in the United States, as a social problem, has the potential of sociation between level of acculturation and alcohol consumption. Al eventually reaching catastrophic proportions. Such danger dictates that the same time, the overall stress seores of our three-acculturation groups 8~ial workers and other helping professionals should work diligently <lid not significantly differ. Sorne differences were found, however, in to 1dentify factors contributing to the incidence and prevalence of this terms of the particular stressors affecting different acculturation groups. health and social ailment. Those particular stressors were, in turn, weakly associated with higher alcohol consumption. Social and behavioral scientists work on an ongoing basis to �118 / Alcohol Abuse among Puerto Ricans: In Search o/a Theoretical Model • identify psychosocial factors associated with the alcohol cons~ption of Puerto Ricans and other Latinos in arder to inform the dec1s1ons of policy-makers and of those who delivery ~ervices._ For this re~on, the difficulties associated with identifying vahd theones and pred1ctors of the social problem at hand are distur~ing. How can anybody develo~ and implement effective programs and interventions to help _Pue_rto Ric~, Mexican-Americans, African-Americans or any other mmonty group if we do not exactly know what the causes of the problem are? 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ReviJtD Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journal primavera-otoñe/ spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. l Y 2 I 123 From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study of Undocumented Women . ., (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investtgac1on de Mujeres Indocumentadas) Wendy Sellers Campbell* U.S. Department of Commerce, Economics and StatisticsAdministration, Bureau of the Census (2001). Hispanic population in the United States 2000 March CPS: United States, Washington, DC, U.S. Government Printing Office. Resumen Las mujeres indocumentadas de México son parte de una población nueva y de rápido crecimiento en el sureste de los Estados Unidos de Amé_rica. Welte, J. W. & G.M. Bames (1995). "Alcohol and other druguse among Hispanics in New York State ", Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, vol. 19, no. 4, p. 1061. Wurzman, l.; B.J. Rounsaville & H.D. Kleber (1983). "Cultural values of Puerto Rican opiate addicts: An exploratory study", American Journal ofDrug andAlcoholAbuse, vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 141-153. Zayas, L. H.; M. Rojas & R.G. Malgady (1998). "Alcohol and drug use, and depression among Hispanic men in ear/y adulthood", American Joumal of Community Psychology, vol. 26, no. 3, p. 425. Este estudio aborda la cuestión del proceso que llevan a cabo las muJeres indocumentadas en su viaje a Carolina del Sur, a través de la observación de sus vidas en México, su travesía a los Estados Unidos, la calidad de vida en el presente y sus deseos para el futuro. La investigación fue hecha en Carolina del Sur por medio de entrevistas realizadas a veinte mujeres indocumentadas de México utilizando el Grounded Theory (teoría desarrollada de manera cualitativa). Se realizaron las entrevistas en español con casetes y transcripciones. Los resultados explican que el viaje a los Estados Unidos es un proceso de cuatro fases, incluyendo la migración al norte, la llegada a Carolina del Sur, el trabajo y la vida en el Sureste, y el retomo posible a México. A lo largo del proceso, las mujeres han demostrado fuerza y tenacidad para vencer los obstáculos y crear una nueva vida para ellas mismas y para sus familias en Carolina del Sur. Y la importancia del transnacionalismo resulta evidente: ellas mantienen un contacto estrecho con sus comunidades de origen en México. Los hallazgos indican que se necesitan más investigaciones sobre la tenacidad de las mujeres y el proceso de largo plazo de la migración a los Estados Unidos. Los resultados contribuyen a los estudios sobre los Latinos en Carolina del Sur y el sureste de E.U.A Abstract Undocumented women are part of a new and growing population in the southeastem United States. This study looks at the question around the * MA, MSW, Ph.D., PhD., is Director of the HABLA Project/USC HEP, The Center for Child and Family Studies, College ofSocial Work, University of South Carolina. Her email address is: wecampbe@gwm.sc.edu ., �124 / From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women (De Mérico a Carolino del Sur: Uno Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) process that undocumented women take in their journey to South Carolina through looking at their lives in Mexico, the journey to the United States, the quality of present lives, and the hopes for the future. Data was collected in South Carolina through interviews with 20 undocumented women from Mexico using a grounded theory approach. Interviews were conducted in Spanish, audio-recorded, and transcribed. Toe results show that the journey to the United States is a four-phase process including the migration northward, arrival in South Carolina, working and living in the Southeast, and a possible return to Mexico. Throughout the process, the women have demonstrated strength and resiliency in overcoming barriers and building a new life for themselves and their families in South Carolina, but the importance of transnationalism is apparent as the women continue to maintain strong connections with sending communities in Mexico. The findings suggest that more research is necessary regarding resiliency and longitudinal processes of migration in the southeastem United States. Results contribute to the literature on Latinos in South Carolina and in the southeastem United States. Introduction The estimated number of undocumented immigrants living in the United States is growing. According to research conducted through the Pew Hispanic Center as many as 9 .9 million undocumented workers are living in the United States (Bean, Van Hook, & Woodrow-Lafield, 2001). Beanet al. (2001) estirnates between 3.4 and 5.8 million ofthese workers are of Mexican descent. Efforts to add more security to the U.S./Mexico border have done little to stop the flow of immigrants from Mexico and Central America into the United States (Rothenberg, 1998); thousands ofmiles of shared border between these two countries are simply too vast for effective control. Covert deals between Mexican smugglers, coyotes, and United States officials limit the number ofundocumented irnmigrants sent back to Mexico (Lucas, 1993; Rothenberg, 1998). Legislation such as the H2A Guest Worker Program results in Mexican workers legally entering the country and overstaying their visas (Rothenberg, 1998). These practices lead to the manufacture and sales of cheap food and goods in the United States. Consumers pay less, employers make money, and undocumented workers bear the brunt of substandard wages and living conditions. //tJirllJ Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera--0/oño I springja/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 125 Undocumented female workers from Mexico face additional barriers in attaining support needed to enhance their quality of life. These women enter the United States with a limited number of opportunities to advance in their occupations, education, and socioeconomic status (Guendelman, 1987; Lucas, 1993). In addition to these general barriers, gender expectations demand that undocumented women quickly adapt to life in the United States and take on added responsibilities of providing a comfortable and safe home for their spouses and children (Smart & Smart, 1995). These women face challenges of enrolling their children in school, providing needed health care, and shopping in unfamiliar stores while knowing little about the language or culture of this new country. Furthermore, their immigration status limits the amount of freedom Mexican women have in making choices needed to maintain support in their lives. Mexican Migration in South Carolina There are severa! factors contributing to Mexican migration to South Carolina. In the past decade, South Carolina has experienced growth in the number of immigrants from Mexico. The U.S. Census Bureau reports that there are approximately 104,814 Hispanics in South Carolina and of this estímate, 71,305 ofthem are Mexican. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2002), the population of Mexicans in South Carolina will increase from l .4% to l. 8%. Although these numbers are still low in terms of total population, the increase is higher than any other race or ethnicity in the state (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). There is little data on the specific number ofundocumented Mexican women living in South Carolina. The Census reports that in 2000, lhere were 37,292 female Hispanic or Latinos living in South Carolina outofa total of 95,076 people who are Hispanic or Latino (U.S. Census, 2000). Toe U.S. Census also reports that 34.2% of ali Hispanic women live in the South. Given that the Census underestimates the Hispanic/Latino population (especially in terms of undocumented immigrants), the nurnber ofHispanic/Latina women in South Carolina is higher. This influx ofHispanics, and predominantly Mexicans, in South Carolina creates challenges for both immigrants and the state. Language �126 / From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) is a crucial issue; most of the newcemers speak Spanish, have had few opportunities to learn English, and cannot communicate well with other South Carolinians (Dale, Andreatta, & Freeman, 2001). Undocumented women in South Carolina, like many people living in rural areas and/or impoverished communities in the southeastern United States, are also limited in terrns of transportation opportunities. Toe state only issues drivers' licenses to state residents with social security cards. Undocumented women must often rely on informal networks and/or risk arres! when developing ways to arrange transportation. Finally, long-time residents of South Carolina often resent losing their jobs to new immigrants. This reality creates unjust work environments for employees and fuels antagonism between undocumented immigrants and legal residents. Tbe undocumented workers are blamed for the economic demise of rural communities in the Southeast. Transnationalism and Social ldentity 1 '· ..:. . - There is a growth of recent literature on the issue of transnationalism. Transnationalism suggests that Mexican migrants in the United States, while physically separated from their communities back home, experience a new borderless culture in which there is a constant sharing and flowing of communication. Portes ( 1999), in his work on modes of immigrant incorporation, describes transnationalism as a complex series ofpoliticaL economic, and sociocultural processes that require long-term processes across borders. Basch, Glick-Schiler, and Szanton-Blanc (1994) define transnationalism in terms of social relations formed by communities on either side of the border. Levitt (2001) conducted research on the pres· ence and importance oftransnationalism in the lives of female Dominican workers. Finally, pertinent to this research, Lacy (2004) emphasized tbe importan ce of transnationalism in the survival of Mexican communities in South Carolina. Through the lens of transnationalism, Mexicans living in the United States have the resources they need to stay connected to their sending communities and have limited interaction with mainstreaID society. l,oi!tJ Penpectiva, Sociales / Social P ~ Joumal primavera--0toño I springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Mon. 1y 2 I 127 similate into the new culture and maintain ties with their own ethnicity. Boneva and Frieze (2001) describe the identity of Mexican migrants in terms of a personality model that includes motivation to seek work, have autonomy, reconnect with fam.ily, anda general sense of adventure. Research by Lacy (2004) suggests that Mexican migrants are less likely to participate in the political process in Mexico or the United States and, dueto fear of discrimination with the label "Mexican," tend to identify themselves in terms of regían rather than nationality. Levitt (2001) suggests that transnationalism shapes not only the identity of the migrant community but also the identity of the sending community. Methodology This study addressed the past, present, and hopes ofundocumented women from Mexico. Toe primary research question in this study was: What is !he process for undocumented women from Mexico who journey to South Carolina? Toe study was based on qualitative methodology focusing on individual interviews with undocumented women from Mexico. Data was captured through both the preliminary etbnographic study and through grounded theory. The researcher used Atlas-ti software to analyze the data. Toe study was conducted over a period of two years. Toe study involved two phases. In the first phase, the researcher participated in an ethnographic study of the undocumented community. The researcher spent over one-hundred hours getting to know residents, accompanying farnilies in their daily routines, and socializing with community members. Field notes were conducted at the end of each visit. The researcher used this approach to gain a better understanding of undocumented workers and to build rapport and trust with community members. In the second phase, individual interviews were conducted with lwenty women. Toe researcher enlisted the assistance of community gatekeepers in helping her gain access and permission to interview undocumented women. Ali of the women interviewed were between 18 and The increase in research on transnationalism has led to new 45 old. Thirteen of the women were from Veracruz, three from Oaxaca, theories regarding ethnic and national identity. Hutnik (1991) describes one from Jalisco, three from Nuevo León (two from Monterrey). In terms ethnic identity as a two-dimensional process in which individuals as· of immigration to the United States, 11 of the women entered illegally �128 / From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study o/ Undocumented Women Rerista Perspectívas Sociales / Social Perspectíves Jouma/ primave>-toño I spríngfall 21)()4, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 129 (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una lnvestigacíón de Mujeres Indocumentadas) through the assistance of a coyote and 9 of the women entered Iegally through a tourist visa that has since expired. Toe researcher adopted a number of steps to ensure privacy and protection of the participants. All data was collected in compliance with the Institutional Review Board. Interviews were conducted in Spanisb and audio taped. Over fifty hours of interviews were recorded. Tapes were kept in a locked file cabinet. Names and other identifying information were not linked to the tapes. All names of the participants have been changed in this article in order to ensure confidentiality. In the second phase of migration, the Mexican migrants moved leamed of opportunities for more lucrative work in areas such as construction and meat processing plants. In addition, they also heard rumors of cheaper living expenses and better housing conditions. Unlike in traditional migrant fannworking camps where workers lived close together and slept on floors in barracks, the men moving to South Carolina were able to rent trailers, giving them more independence from other workers. Pleased with this growing independence, Mexican workers in the Southeast called home and talked with family about the abundant work opportunities and available housing in areas such as South Carolina. to tbe southeastem United States. These workers Findings The findings from this study address issues around planning for the journey, actual migration processes, establishing a new home in South Carolina, and plans for the future. Toe results emphasize the need to understand the migration of undocumented women from a transnational perspective. In the third phase, as more men joumeyed directly to South Carolina, Mexican women became heads of the households. These women found work in stores and factories, took care of their children, cared for the elderly, and managed the homes. As Socorro stated: I had to change my entire life. I went from being the ama de casa ("love of the house" or essentially housewife) to working everyday at our store. I also had Phase 1: Planning Stages ofJoumey Northward to take care of our two children. I was alone, and I was scared. I missed my None of the women in this study described their journey to South Carolina as a planned process. In fact, in most of the cases, the women never intended to migrate at all to the United States. Toe participants explained that the economic situation in Mexico forced young, healthy men in eacb family to travel to the United States in search of work. Toe sending com· munities assumed that in a few years, after saving money, the men would return to Mexico and build a better life for families. husband but my daily concems centered on having enough strength to keep the family going and keep the children in school. Their husbands, fathers, and brothers sent money directly back lo these sending communities, supplementing the income that women made through their own employment in Mexico. Toe women in this study talked about the difficulties in adjusting to these new responsibilities, but through their resiliency they leamed how to live independently and make decisions without the help ofhusbands and fathers. As Ruth stated: In the first stage of migration, young men from Mexico moved to South Carolina. Toe economic crisis in Mexico and tales of work opportunities in the United States motivated men to make the journey I lik:ed working on my own. I had never lived by myself before. It was hard to northward, working in agriculture in areas in the western United States move to a new country and not be independent. with large concentrations ofmigrant fannworkers. Through entering into debts of up to $2000, the men crossed the borders into the United States Cassandra also talked about the excitement of living alone with the help of coyotes. During this stage the women continued to live and how she leamed during her time without her husband that "I can in Mexico with the majority of their family members, waiting for their do anything." These women were able to take advantage of their time relatives who had migrated northward to return. living independently to build on their own strengths and develop their own potential for taking care of the home and managing money without �130 / ..._ From Mexico lo South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) l/eliJt¡JPerspectnm Sociales I Social Perspectives Journal primavera-otoño/ spring-fa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / 13 1 husbands, brothers, and cousins. visit and continue to live illegally in South Carolina. Finally, during the fourth phase of migration, women and children moved to South Carolina. In most cases their husbands and other male relatives had secured permanent housing in South Carolina, found full-time employment, and talked about the desire to live in the state for severa! years. Mexican women faced the choice of continuing to live in Mexico and waiting far their husbands, fathers, and brothers to eventually return or to move northward as well. Sorne ofthe women with tourist visas bought airplane tickets far theirjourney to the United States. None ofthese women had ever traveled vía an airplane, and they talked about their fear of flying. Toe women, however, overcame their fears and made these journeys to a new country without any assistance. In other cases, women with tourist visas took the land route and crossed into the United States via border checkpoints. These women faced dangers of traveling long distances to the border (and often while pregnant and/or with young children), but through their inner strength and resiliency they managed to triumph over these obstacles. Severa! factors contributed to this decision to make the journey to South Carolina. First, many ofthe women described the lonelinessin living apart from loved ones and the constant desire to be reunited with family members and especially spouses. Second, women described the boredom that emerged in their lives in Mexico. As more and more of their family members moved north, the women left behind had fewer opportunities to interact with other family members and to keep alive sorne of the festivals, holidays, and other family occasions that had once been so important to them. Third, the desire for adventure was strong among the women interviewed. They welcomed the opportunity to try something new and build a new life in the United States. This excitement and need far adventure speaks to the strengths that the women had developed during their time living apart from male relatives. Toe women in this study blossomed from these independent lives and from this opportunity sprang their desire to learn more about the world. Otherwomen in this study crossed illegally into the United States without proper documentation. These women had a different and more dangerous experience in their journey. Toe interviewees without documentation employed the services of coyotes to help them elude La Migra and escape being caught and sent back to Mexico. Due to the dangers of rape, other violence, harsh environmental conditions, and the strenuous physical demands of crossing the Ria Grande, hiding from im.migration officials, living in the desert, and walking far days without rest, none of these participants traveled alone. Cassandra stated: They told us that we only had to walk about 4 hours. So we thought it would not be so bad. But we walked and walked and walked and walked all night long, thinking that we would reach our ride soon. The next morning carne and went and we finally reached ou.r ride in the aftemoon. Toen we heard that Phase 2: The Journey to South Carolina immigration was coming and it was too dangerous for us to continue. We Toe women in this study consistently traveled to South Carolina by two methods. About half of the interviewees applied for a tourist visa in Mexico. They gave proof that residents in the United States would host them during their 'vacation' and they asked for permission to visit Walt Disney World in Orlando, Florida. Ruth stated: heard a noise and we hid in the back of a truck. The truck was supposed to take us to Tucson but since immigration was coming the truck !et us out on the side of a road. There were 96 of us and we didn 't know where we were. In all instances the women journeyed northward with other family members. These participants persisted in their joumey despite illness, I have never visited Disney World in my life, nor did I ever intend to go. 1 injury, and even multiple deportations. Three of the women studied knew I wou1d travel to Charlotte [North Carolina] and then meet my sisterat Were even pregnant during the journey. Most of the women interviewed explained that, although the journey was difficult, they knew it was part the airport. ofthe process ofimmigrating illegally to the United States and were preAll of the participants with tourist visas then overstayed their pared for the consequences. These statements again refl.ect the women's �132 / From Mexico to Scuth Carolina: A Study of Undocumented Women J/evisla Perspectivas Sociales/ Social Perspectives Jouma/primavera--0toño / springfa/1 2004. Vol. 6, Num I y 2 / 133 (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) resiliency. Phase 3: Establishing a Home in South Carolina In the third phase of the migration process, the women established residency in South Carolina. They traveled to the United States with an understanding of their immigration status and limitations, but most of the women were not prepared for the realities of discrimination in South Carolina. As Guadalupe stated: When I arrived in tbe United States I was ata total Ioss. I went to tbe womao at tbe counter and asked her for belp. She spoke to me in English even though she clearly knew Spanish. I asked for her to please speak in Spanisb and she would not. I could not believe tbat someone of my own race would not he~ me out. That was my introduction to the United States. The women demonstrated the remarkable ability to develop their own sense of freedom and independence despite living in oppressive conditions. As Guadalupe stated: I <lid not give up. I told the woman that I knew she spoke Spanish and she needed to help me. I had never been to tbe United States but I was not going to be afraid. Others such as Ruth explained that she preferred to ignore the discrimination and focus on her own family. The first factor in establishing a home in South Carolina was seeking employment. The participants in this study described how they worked the long and hard hours, including hazardous positions at meat packing plants. None of the women in this study earned over $6.50/hour and ali ofthe women who worked described the exhaustion from working full shifts and caring for family members. Nevertheless, undocumented women were grateful for employment opportunities. They welcomed the opportunities for employment in the United States and wages that far exceeded salaries in Mexico. These interviewees considered having a job and contributing to the family income (including family living in the sending communities) as important. The second component of making a home in South Carolina was taking advantage of educational opportunities. Despite the barriers in furthering their education while balancing responsibilities ofmotherhood and work, the women were thankful for the opportunities to attend adult education programs. They were excited about the opportunities to study English, obtain a high school diploma, develop computer skills, and in sorne cases even attend college. Ana explained: I told Alma [a bilingual social worker] that I wanted very much to study but that I could not attend classes. She told me not to worry and she brougbt books to my bouse forme to read. I really like this a lot because now I can study in my free time. The women in this study saw the value in education not only for themselves but also for their children. Guadalupe, for example, studied in the adult education center for overa year and took the GED (General Educational Degree) exam three times before she finally passed. She managed to achieve this goal while taking care of two adolescents. Cassandra worked third shift as a cleaning woman and then attended GED and computer classes from 9-12 every morning. By furthering their own education, the women were preparing for a better quality of life for themselves, their children, and their extended family. In addition to a general desire to increase their education, the women in this phase of the journey valued learning English. Ana described the language difficulties that she and other women encountered on a day-to-day basis: People get impatient if you don 't know English. This bappens to me at Me Donald's. They want me to order rapidly, and I don't know tbe language. · Severa! ofthe women in the study were taking ESL (English as a Second Language) classes at the local adult education centers. One woman studied ESL two nights a week, GED two nights a week, and drove her daughter to college every morning. Another woman practiced English by investing in a set of videos. Another participant who had come to the United States with no formal Englisb instruction was now enrolled in the state university system and studying to be a teacher. The women in �134 / From Me:xico to South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women /leliSla Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journal primavera-oJoñ,;, / springfa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I 135 (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) this study were very aware of opportunities to learn English and worked hard to take advantage of these classes. Their legal status did not preven! undocumented women from navigating the educational system. Finally, in this pbase of the journey tbe women described the importance ofbeing healtby. The women wanted to be in good bealtb in order to work, take care oftheir children, and reacb their goals. The women in this study reported that they did not want to rely on social services or worry about higb medica! bilis, especially since most of them and their families did not have bealtb insurance. By maintaining healtby lifestyles, including eating well, protecting themselves from injury at work, and keeping regular family planning cbeck-ups, the women believed they could avoid higb costs of bealtb care. In general, good bealth assured a leve! of independence and thus a higher quality of life for women who were undocumented. my diploma. Tomorrow I learn English. In the future I might have a different career as a veterinarian. l need to be prepared for the future. Nora 's statement reflected many ofthe women 's desire for educational opportunities and their recognition oftheir inner ability to achieve these goals: Toe women stated that by furthering their own education and seeking employment that they were serving as positive role mod. In concluding the phases of the migration process, the women in this study planned to return to Mexico. They strongly identified with their sending community, communicated with families in Mexico, and were not interested in living permanently in the United States. Most of the women in this study identifi.ed themselves based on their particular state in Mexico. Nora said: My house in Córdoba is locked up and waiting forme to return. Our furniture Fourth Phase: Planningfor the Future In the fourth phase of the journey, tbe undocumented women discussed their hopes for the future. First, undocumented women from Mexico wanted to increase their own independence in the United States. Guada· lupe stated, for example: My husband and I gave upa peaceful life in Mexico so that our children could have a better education. Tbat is ali that we want here in the United States. They described this independence in tenns of getting a South Carolina driver's license, having a secure job, and owning a home. Two participants in this study even explained how they had purchased homes in the United States, despite their immigration status, through using tax identification numbers. Again, their resiliency played a major part in their eagerness to pursue these dreams. Second, in looking towards the future, undocumented women wanted a better future for themselves and their children. They defined a better future as receiving a high-quality education and finding a good job. Nora stated: We have to start somewhere and take things one step at a time. Today I gel is there. We have two dogs who guard the surroundings. We have not been back in three years, though. The women expected that this return migration would not happen until their children had graduated from high school and had careers. They were supportive of their children continuing to work in the United States but assumed that their children would continue sending money and resources back to Mexico. ANew Theory on Undocumented Women and Mexican Migration Toe results ofthis dissertation suggest that the migration ofundocumented women from Mexico to South Carolina must be understood in the context ofstrengths and resiliency. This resiliency is evident in each of the four phases of the process of migration. In the fi.rst phase of the migration process, while still living in Mexico, women demonstrate an ability to rise above the loss ofhusbands and other family members living abroad. They assume new roles as heads ofhousehold. They take on other work responsibilities. And they manage the money, safety, and well-being of their children and elderly family members left behind. �136 / From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) In the second phase of the migration process, the women prepare for and undertake the journey to the United States. In this process, their sense of adventure and courage is evident. They make the decision to travel to South Carolina with very little understanding ofthe state itself, the living conditions, the language, or the culture. They prepare for the journey with the help of other family members but are the primary caretakers of the children in the process. Sorne of the women develop creative ways to obtain tourist visas to the United States under the premise of visiting Disney World. Others brave crossing the Rio Grande when, in many instances, they are not good swimmers and have entrusted their lives to the care of complete strangers. Toe undocumented women make this journey in part for economic reasons but also for a longing to be reunited with spouses, companions, and other famiJy members in South Carolina. They choose to leave familiar worlds behind in order to complete this reunification. In the third phase of the migration process, the women establish their new lives in South Carolina. Their resiliency is evident as they learn how to drive cars, avoid police officers and traffic stops, enroll in adult education classes, graduate with GEDs, build informal markets (selling food to local Mexican stores, sewing traditional dresses and costumes for festivals, painting, playing music) and even buy a home. Undocumented women learn quickly how to live and survive in the United States, despite the fact that many times they cannot speak the language nor access the social service systems, and they eam low wages. This resiliency in no way negates the realities of oppression that the women face in the United States, but it <loes point to a new way of looking at undocumented women (and men) from a strengths perspective rather than through purely victimization. Toe next step in the development of this theory is to look at the undocumented women through a longitudinal perspective in order to determine if this resiliency and determination also plays out in their stated goals to eam a substantial sum of money in the United States and return permanently to Mexico. Ifthe return migration <loes not unfold for the majority of undocumented women, this theory suggests that through their resiliency they will continue to persist in South Carolina and continue to make the most of their lives in creative and meaningful ways. Rel'islo Pe,spectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journa/ primavera-otoño / spring-fa/12004, Vol.6, Num. 1 y 2 I 137 Conclusion Toe findings from this study suggest that undocumented women from Mexico follow four phases in their joumey to South Carolina. In the first phase, women assume new roles as heads ofhouseholds_in Mexico while mate relatives undertake the migration process to the Umted States. In the second phase, women from Mexico decide to joumey to South Carolina to reunite with family members, seek adventure, and establish a better life. In the third phase, the women settle in South Carolina, find work, care for their families, and pursue their own goals. In the fourth phase, !he women plan to retum and retire in Mexico. These phases of the migration process are important for social work practice and policy. Social workers in South Carolina and elsewhere must be aware of the reasons that Mexican women decide to migrate illegally to the United States, the struggles that they have faced in this process, and their own desires for the future. Practitioners must be aware of the difficulties that women face in illegal migration and the implications for their emotional health and well being in the United States. Furthermore, from a strengths perspective, social workers must accept the challenge of discovering the women's goals for the future and helping them find ways to achieve these goals within legal constraints. In terms ofpolicy, the findings suggest the need for social workers to be active in advocating for immigration reform. Toe emphasis that the women placed on education supports recent efforts to pass the Dream Act and other educational initiatives that include benefits for undocumented workers. The findings also suggest that, even with the increase in border patrol and Homeland Security, that undocumented migrants from Mexico will find ways to joumey to the United States. Toe country has the choice· oftightening borders, granting another amnesty, or pursuing a systematic reform of current immigration policies. This data suggests that without asystematic reexamination of immip-ation policies from a transnational perspective, the number ofundocumented immigrants from Mexico will continue to increase. As policy makers, we have the responsibility to help others understand the complexity of Mexican migration and develop immigration policies that reflect the growth and success of transnational villages. �138 / From Mexico toSouth Carolina: A Studyo/Undocumented Women {De México a Carolino del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) Areas ofFurther Study The findings from this study confinn much of the current literature on the process of immigration from Mexico to tbe United States. This researc~ however, contributes greatly to a ricber understanding of the lives of Mexican women living in South Carolina. There have not been many studies conducted on Mexican rnigrants in this state, and tbe pbenomenon of a direct pipeline of migrants from sending communities in Mexico to South Carolina is new. This study presents a number of opportunities for more researcb on Mexican migration of undocumented immigrants to South Carolina. In addition, this stuliy demands tbat social workers and otber researchers in rnigration patterns address the issue of resiliency in understanding the ways in which tbe journey unfolds for undocumented workers. Finally, the research points to the need for more longitudinal studies on rnigration and transnationalism in the southeastern United States. htirJaPenpectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journal primavera-otoñe/ spring-fa/1 2004, 101.6, Num. I y 2 / 139 References Basch, L.; N. Glick-Schiller & C. Szanton-Blanc (1994). Nations unbound: Transnational projects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nation-states, Langhorne, PA, Gordon and Breach. Bean, F. D.; J. Van Hook & K. Woodrow-Lafield (2002). Estimates of numbers ofunauthorized migrants residing in the United States: Toe total, Mexican, and non-Mexican Central American unauthorized populations in mid-2002. Study conducted for the Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, D.C. Boneva, B. & l. Frieze (2001 ). "Toward a concept ofmigrant persona/ity", Journal of Social lssues, 57, pp. 477-492. COLEF (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte); CONAPO (Consejo Nacional de Población); STPS (Secretaria del Trabajo y Previsión Social) (1994). Encuesta sobre migración en la frontera norte, Tijuana, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. Retrieved May 21, 2004 from the World Wide Web: http://www.conapo.gob.mx/migracion_ int/principal.btml Dale, J. G.; S. Andreatta & E. Freeman, E. (2001 ). "Language and the migrant worker experience in rural North Carolina communities ", in A.D. Murphy, C. Blanchard & J. A. Hill (Eds.), Latino workers in the contemporary Soutb, pp. 93-104. Drachman, D. (1992). "A stage-ofmigration framework for service to immigrant populations ", Social Work, vol. 37, no. 1, pp. 68-72. Espenshade, T. J. (1995). "Unauthorized immigration to the United States", Annual Review of Sociology, vol. 21, pp. 195-216. González de la Rocha, M. (1998). "The erosion of a survivor model: Urban household responses to persisten! poverty ", Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association Conference, Philadelphia. Guendelman, S. ( l 987). "The incorporation ofMexican women in seasonal migration: A study of gender differences ", Hispanic Journal of �140 / From Mexico to South Carolina: A Study ofUndocumented Women Reviito Perspectivas Sociales JSocial Perspectives Joumal primaverQ-<Jtoño I spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 I 141 (De México a Carolina del Sur: Una Investigación de Mujeres Indocumentadas) Behavioral Sciences, vol. 9, no. 3, pp. 245-264. Hutnik, N. (1991). Ethnic minority identity: A social psychosocial perspective, Oxford, UK, Clarendon. Lacy, E. C. (2004). "Cumbia and country music: Mexican migrants ami transnationalism in South Carolina", Paper presented at the Symposium on Mexican Migration to the U.S. Southeast, Atlanta, Georgia. Levitt, P. (2001). Toe transnational villagers, Berkeley: University of California Press. Portes, A. (1999). "Towards a new world: The origins and effect of transnational activities ", Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 463478. Rothenberg, D. (1998). With these hands: The hidden world of migrant farmworkers today, New York, Harcourt. Salgado de Snyder, V. N. (1993). "Family life across the border: Mexican wives /eft behind", Hispanic Journal ofBehavioral Sciences, vol. 13, no. 3,pp. 391-401. Lorenzo-Hernandez, J. (1998). "How social categorization may inform the study of Hispanic immigration ", Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 39-60. Samuels, M. B.; J. Howard; E. Vasquez; M. Stoskoph; H. Carleen; R. Ryder; L. Ludeke; L. Lopez & Y.K. Kim (1998). "Perceptions ofhealth and safety conditions for farmworker women ", Journal of Border Health, vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 19-39. Lucas, M. (1993). Forged under the sun/Forjada bajo el sol, AnnArbor, University of Michigan Press. Sandoval, C. (1991 ). "US. third worldfeminism: A theory ofoppositiona/ consciousness in the post modern world", Genders, vol. 10. Madriz, E. l. (1998). "Using focus groups with /ower socioeconomic status Latin women", Qualitative Inquiry, vol. 4, pp. 114-119. Smart, J. F. & D.W. Smart (1995). "Acculturative stress of Hispanics: loss and challenge ", Journal of Counseling and Development, vol. 73, no. 4, pp. 390-397. Massey, D. S.; & K.E. Espinosa (1997). "Whats driving Mexican-US. migration: A theoretical, empírica/, and policy analysis ", American Journal of Sociology, vol. 102, pp. 939-999. Mohl, R. A. (2002). "Latinization in the heart ofDixie: Hispanics in /atetwentieth century Alabama", Alabama Review, vol. 55, pp. 243-274. Murphy, K. M. (200 l ). "Heading south: Why Mexicans and Mexican· Americans in Brownsville, Texas, cross the border into Mexico ", in A.D. Murphy, C. Blanchard & J. A. Hill (Eds.), Latino workers in the contero· porary South, pp. 114-125. Phinney, J. S.; G. Horenczyk; K. Liebkind & P. Vedder (2001). "Ethnic identity, immigration, and well-being: An interactional perspective", Journal of Social Issues, vol. 57, no. 3, pp. 493-510. Studstill, J. D. & L. Nieto-Studstill (2001). "Hospitality and hostility: Latin immigrants in Southern Georgia", in A. D. Murphy, C. Blanchard & J.A. Hill (Eds.), Latino workers in the contemporary South, pp. 68-81. United States Census Bureau (2002). South Carolina: General Demographic Characteristics. Retrieved July 7, 2004, from the World Wide Web: www.census.gov/acs/www/Products/Profiles/Single/2002/ACS/ Tabular/040/04000US451.htm United States Census Bureau (2000). United States Census 2000. Retrieved July 7, 2004, from the World Wide Web: http://www.census. gov/main/www/cen2000.htrnl �RM<IOPerspectivas Scciales I Social Perspectives Joumal primaver(J-{)/Oño I spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Ntan. I y 2 I 143 Image of the indian in Mexico's indigenous free textbooks Ileana Schmidt-Díaz de León* Resumen El sistema educativo mexicano ha desarrollado diversos medios para favorecer la educación indígena. Entre estos se encuentra el libro de texto escrito en las diferentes lenguas que se hablan en el país como uno de los resultados importantes de la política educativa nacional de finales del siglo XX. Si bien ésta ha dado a los indígenas un material educativo más legítimo para aprender en la escuela y esta condición ha cambiado, aparentemente el estatus de la educación indígena en el país, los valores que se transmiten a través de dichos libros tienden a mantener las condiciones sociales de existencia de los indígenas. Este artículo analiza el concepto de indígena que se vierte en dichos libros tomando como muestra para el análisis los escritos en náhuatl para la sierra norte de Puebla y los de la Huasteca. Abstract. Mexico' s educational system has developed several means for indigenous instruction. Among them, the free textbooks written in indigenous languages have become a major outcome ofnational educational policy in the late 20th century. It has given indigenous a more legitimate educational tool to learn at school. This condition has apparently changed the status ofindigenous education. However, values transmitted through these free tex-tbooks tend to mantain their social conditions. This paper analyses the concept of indigenous that is contained in these textbooks taking those written in Nahuatl for the North Highlands of Puebla State and the ones for the Huasteca region. *The author is a researcher at the Centro de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Guanajuato. Her email address is: ischmidt@quijote.ugto.mx �144 / lmage ofthe indian in Mexico s indigenous free textbooks f,,is1a Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera--0/oño I springfa/1 2004, Introduction Ethnic identity has been the focus of many Mexican studies, most of which have been based on research in indigenous communities. This paper addresses ethnic identity through textbooks written in Indian Ianguages created especially for Indian children that represent, on the one hand, the current Mexican national educational policy and, on the other, a new tool for Indian teachers to uphold ethnic identity within Indian communities. This paper argues that indigenous free textbooks contain cultural values that promote indigenous ethnic identity through the image of a stereotyped Indian; the promotion of ethnicity is carried out bya group of Indian teachers through formal institutions, and the creation ofa free textbook empowered both Indian teachers and the Indian languages, who have changed the status of educational techniques used for Indian education in Mexico. The importance ofMexican Indian free textbooks is based on three premises: 1) As other books, their goal is to promote knowledge, values, and behavior related to a society; 2) they are written by Indian teachers in their own languages and published by the Ministry of Public Education; 3) although they are part of a national institutional program, they express the identity of ethnic groups. The study analyzes texts and images from textbooks written in the Nahuatl language. The analysis focuses on the resources managed by men and women within defined contexts in order to understand the values inherent in indigenous social groups, for instance the familia! context in which the daily activities are assigned to individuals ofboth sexes and all ages. The daily activities oflndian men and women preserve and redefine their ethnic identity both in terms of their relationships within the community and their relationship with the national society. This analysis makes a difference between the activities of men and women, on the one hand, and those of adults and children, on the other, through the resources they manage. Each resource acquires value within the context of material and cultural life. If the relationship between individuals and resources is clarified, it would illustrate the role that meo and women, and those of different ages play in the reproduction of ethnic identity and culture. This study is based on an analytical description of the :firstand second-grade textbooks written in the Nahuatl language, from the Vo/.6, Num. Jy 2 1 14S Huasteca region and the North highlands of Puebla. lt analyzed the discourse of texts and images in order to identify elements which promote ethnic identity. lt also identified elements that promote national identity among Indian children due to their o:fficial character. As an institutional program, Indian free textbooks promote national belonging. They are an element of the national educational policy, just as the Spanish free textbooks are. Mexico's educational system has free textbooks written in Spanish and free textbooks written in 56 different Indian languages. Due to the importance of free textbooks in the Mexican educational system, !he characterization of the indigeneus ones as promoters of ethnicity makes it necessary to contextualize them historically. Toe following section presents a briefhistory ofthe creation of these educational materials to give the reader a brief idea of the context in which the authors of the lndian free textbooks have operated. 1 The national free textbook policy Free textbooks became an element of educational policy of the Mexican state since a special commission to organize its production was created in 1959 (Meneses, 1988:512; Neumann and Cunningham, 1988:1; Villa Lever, 1988:60). They have developed asan important component of !he education of Mexican children because their use is mandatory for all primary schools, i.e. private, public, urban, rural, and Indian. Created during the presidency ofAdolfo López Mateos ( 1958-1964), the national free textbook was part of an ambitious educational program called "The Eleven-Year Plan" (Plan de Once Años) directed by the Minister of Public Education Jaime Torres Bodet (Congreso de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, 1958:12; Solana, 1982:365-372); Meneses, 1988: 511). Toe main goals of that plan were to expand the number of students attending Prirnary school and to make the educational system more efficient. Toe former included not only increasing matriculation, but increasing the number of teachers and schools in the whole country (Congreso de los &tados Unidos Mexicanos, 1958:3-8). Tbe latter meant creating new Curricula and educational programs for primary, secondary, and normal schools (Meneses,1988: 474-81). School permanence became the basis l The free textbook written in Spanish wil/ l,e referred to as the national free textbook �146 / Image ofthe indian in Mexico s indigenousfree textbooks of this educational program because high drop-out rates were considered not only an effect, but also a cause of educational problems (Meneses, 1988:463). Thus, the Mexican free textbook program was bom in a context where the combating of a high student drop-out rate and the expansion of the national educational system was a governmental priority. Although the "Eleven-Year Plan" promoted the creation of new educational programs, the content of the national free textbooks carne from the educational curricula that had existed since 1957 (Villa Lever, 1988:63). These educational programs were based on the "national unity" notion, a policy implemented from 1949 to 1959 in all aspects of national life that promoted cooperation among the diverse social classes (Villa Lever, 1988:44-54; Medina, 1974).2 In the sphere of education, "national unity" meant cultural homogeneity as the ultimate expression of mexicanidad In this context, the development of a strong nation required the formation of a unified Mexican spirit. Mexico could only become a nation when every Mexican was united by a set of common values and feelings. Adolfo López Mateos justified the creation of the Mexican free textbook in terms ofArticle 3 of the Mexican Constitution (Villa Lever, 1988:60-61 ), which states that state-supported education should be free and mandatory. López Mateos argued that the state is not only responsible for the building of schools and the education of teachers, but also for providing the educational material used in primary schools. Textbooks also implied the implementation of conditions for their development and distribution. On February 13, 1959 a Presidential Decree created the Free Textbook National Committee to accomplish these goals. 3 lt agreed thal free textboo~ should include a basic currículum for every primary school course, that they should be prepared teachers and professional writers, and that they should be richly illustrated. Toe committee also agreed that teachers should be provided with manuals that would accompany the textbooks (Neumann and Cunningham, 1982: 15-16). •Y 2 During the presidency ofAvila Camacho, the concept of "class struggle" in the official politica/ discourse changed to that ofthe cooperation among the diverse social classes (PRI_ 1982). 3 "Diario Oficial " 1959: February l 3:4. /nil111Pmpectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera--0toño / springfall 2004, Jló/.6, Num. I y 2 I 147 The initial plan for creating the free textbooks in 1959 was to hold a national competition, but it was not effective. Instead, teachers and professional writers were chosen to write thé necessary books for the sixprirnary grades (Neumann and Cunningham, 1982:49). Subsequently, "57 books in total and teacher's manuals, and 517 million copies" were published by 1972 (Neumann and Cunningham, 1982: 51). Since then, free textbooks have been reviewed and changed severa! times. The first major revision took place in 1972 as part ofthe Educational Reform during thepresidency ofLuis EcheverríaAlvarez (1970-1976). The textbooks were changed in their content and organization. They were originally organized by subject and were later integrated into broader fields of study, a policy that was followed until 1993.4 An important innovation was that each field of knowledge would have an editorial coordinator responsible for ali six primary grades "organizing the work of a team of authors, advisors, collaborators, designers and illustrators" (Neumann and Cunningham, 1982:53). Members of each team were specialists and researchers from institutions such as El Colegio de México, the Instituto Politécnico Nacional, and the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. This modification resulted in the preparation of 55 new textbooks, anda total of 652,700,000 copies were produced from 1972 until 1981 (Neumann and Cunningham, 1982: 55). A second major change occurred in 1980 to create the so-called integrated book for the first and second grades only. These new textbooks integrated all its topics in one book to facilitate children leaming. For the first time in the history of the free textbook an experimental approach was taken during 1979-1980 to the development of textbooks, and it resulted in the creation of ten new textbooks (Neumann and Cunningham, 1982: 62-63). A third major change took place in 1992 on the context of a national competition, in which participants presented new textbooks for the six primary grades. Through this competition several new textbooks were approved, but not all subjects and grades were covered. In that case, the Ministry of Public Education took the responsibility for creating them. Toe new textbooks now in use have important modifications, including special textbooks for the national and regional histories and geography. Thus, there are now history and geography textbooks for each state, which are used by children who attend school in that specific state. ( Math, Social Sciences, Natural Sciences and Spanish • 1 �148 / lmage ofthe indian in Mexico ~ indigenous free textbooks The indian free textbook policy Toe idea that Indians could control Indian affairs in Latin American countries began spreading after the meeting held in Barbados lsland in 1971 (Bonfil, 1991:129). Toe "Declaración de Barbados: por la liberación del indígena" posited the necessary changes to end the policy of ethnogenocide suffered by Indians since the conquest of the Americas (Bonfil, 1991: 129). lt favored the consolidation of Indian organizations and the creation of new ones in Mexico during the 1970s and 1980s. In the field of education, the Alianza Nacional de Profesionales Indígenas Bilingües A. C. (ANPIBAC, National Alliance of Indian Bilingual Professionals), an organization oflndian teachers, appeared in 1973 (Barre, 1983; Mejía and Sarmiento, 1987), and has influenced Indian education since then. In 1978, the Dirección General de Educación Indígena (DGEI, General Directorate of Indian Education), a new office to take charge of Indian education in the country was created as a formal branch ofthe Ministry of 5 Public Education. Thus, Indian education became legally recognized as an integral part of the Mexican educational system (Nahmad, 1980:31). r..::. . A team oflndian teachers, linguists and educators has been preparing lndian free textbooks since 1978 as the core task of the DGEI.6 This team initially produced books in 22 different indigenous languages; however, their goal was to complete those for the 56 officially recognized Indian languages (SEP, 1976:82). Between 1976 and 1982 a total of 1,519,000 books (SEP, n/d: 194) were printed to teach Indian chi_ldren to read and write in their own languages, but having Spanish as a language of instruction (SEP, 1994b). Toe idea ofproviding free textbooks to Indian children was born in the "First National Seminar of Bilingual-Bicultural Education" in Oaxtepec, Morelos in 1979 (Hernández, 1979:28). lt was organized by the Alianza Nacional de Profesionales Indígenas Bi/ingü.es A.C. (ANPIBAC) and was inspired by the "Third Congress of Indian Peoples" held in Mexico City in 1978. In that Congress, the participants expressed the view that the "Indians should be responsible for the organi5 This office was a substitution of the former Dirección General de E ducación Extraescolar en el Medio Indígena. The importance ofthe new DGEJ is that it appeare.tl as a new educational modality ofthe nationa/ lliucational system, loosing its character of "extra-schoo/" or "special" education. 6 lnformation obtained by interviews with severa/ officials of the DGEJ in 1996. ,e,;,taPerspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera~toño / springja/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 149 u1tionofthenew education" (Hemández, 1979: 39) for Indian communi• ties. Toe former president, Miguel De la Madrid Hurtado, offered during his electoral campaign for the presidency in 1982 to give Indians the right to have and direct their own educational policy. After the social move• ments of the late 60' s and 70's, the official party was afraid of problems with Indian communities so it tried to incorporate Indian demands into the party's social program and its corporate structure (Tovar 2004: 8). After he was confirmed in the presidency, and in response to this politi• cal statement, the ANPIBAC gave him the proposal of a program they called "Indigenous Educational Policy" (Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas, 1982: 125). It contained an evaluation ofthe education directed toward Indian children and the necessary policies to improve it. It posited the goals for Mexican Indian education claiming for its social role as a promoter of Indian cultures and ethnic identity (Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas, 1982: 136). It pointed out the need of an indigenous pedagogy and the creation of a currículum based on the Indian family and the Indian community values (Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indíge• nas, 1982: 137). Thus, educational materials written in Indian languages needed to be created for Indian education (Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas, 1982: 142-146). The "Indigenous Educational Policy" document has acquired importance because severa! members of the ANPIBAC have worked in tbeDirección General de Educación Indígena (DGEI) since 1978 mak• ing free textbooks in Indian languages an official educational program.7 Sorne ANPIBAC's members have been placed in the high• and middle• rank positions of this institution, where they have achieved a significant leve! of in:fluence in decision-making related to Indian education. That is, the Indian teachers ofthe ANPIBAC have been taking part in defining lhe goals, means, and orientation of formal Indian education within.the Ministry of Public Education since then. Educational materials prepared for teaching Indian children to read and write existed before the Indian free textbook appeared. Since 1936 the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) had made cartillas de alfabetización with the approval of the Mexican governrnent (Heath, · 7 lnformation obtained by interviews with severa/ officia/s ofthe D GEJ in 1996. • 1 �l 50 / lmage o/the indian in Mexico 's indigenous free texthooks 1972: 112-113; King, 1994:113-121). This educational material attempted to teach Indian children tbe Spanisb language by first instructing tbem in tbeir own language. In 1979, bowever, tbe govemment ended its contrae! with tbe SIL, tbus ending tbe production of the cartillas de alfabetización (King, 1994: 115). Since then, the Ministry ofEducation has taken charge of the definition and creation of new educational materials for Indian children tbrougb tbe Dirección General de Educación Indígena. 8 It also began to direct the formal education oflndian communities until today. In 1978 the DGEI began preparing textbooks in Indian languages, althougb the general educational policy toward Indians had not changed. The goal of castellanización still continued after this year, but the cartillas de alfabetización were eliminated. Since 1980 Indian children could have their own "textbooks" justas non-Indian children had, instead of informally assembled educational materials. They could learn toread and write in tbeir native languages with prepared educational materials at the academic level found in Spanish-language schools. L. In 1990 the Indian free textbook underwent a major change due to tbe educational modemization policy during Salina's presidency (Programa para la Modernización Educativa). The main goals were to increase the quality of education, assure national educational coverage, and make the educational system efficient. Its financia! means were issued initially through the Programa para Abatir el Rezago Educativo (PARE) bringing an extra economic resource also to the DGEI to improve educa· tional materials. As a result it began a revision of sorne of the Indian free textbooks to produce a set of new ones. 9 However, not all grades and languages could be included because the Ministry of Public Education implemented anotber policy two years later calling teachers, profession· als, and researchers to a national competition to create a complete set of new national textbooks (those in Spanish). This situation gave the DGEI an opportunity to renew its remaining educational materials tbrough an enricbed content. However, the textbooks reviewed during tbe period of 8 The preparation of the first lndian free textbooks coincided with an administrative change in the Ministry ofPublic Educa/ion. The "Dirección General de Educación Ex· traescolar en el Medio Indígena " became the contemporary "Dirección General de Educación Indígena" (DGEl) in 1978. 9 Information given by interviews with officials ofthe DGEI in 1996. t,,istt1 Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspeclives Joumal primavera-otoño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. l y 2 I 15 1 1990-1993 <lid not pass a second evaluation. Toe newest version is more detailed, with additional images and more complex texts. It includes photographs of Indian communities, lndian people, and Indian cultural materials and resources. Thus, there exist Indian free textbooks produced with the PARE and those produced with the 1992 's renewing-textbook poticy but, there is not duplication of any textbook. Both are currently used in Indian schools. Participation of ANPIBAC's members in this process was implemented tbrough their job position at tbe DGEI selecting authors and supervising contents. Although the creation of new textbooks included the participation oflinguists and educators, Indian teachers had themain role as native speakers ofthe 56 recognized Indian languages. Toe link to the official educational policy is tbe most important characteristic of changes in Indian textbooks since 1990. The Indian free textbook is now an element of the national educational program and its general content is directed by a common national objective; however, this does not imply that Indian free textbooks are "translations" or "copies" of those produced in Spanish. ludian textbooks must fulfill the goals posited in the national educational programs if they want to be considered part of it. Thus, Indian education in Mexico is defining itself between both the lndian culture and the national identity. Taken as a model and according to the requirements for national modernization, the bilingual-bicultural education will be characterized by combining traditioo and change, pluralism and ideotity, universality aod be longing, humaoism aod techoical knowledge, quality and equality in educatioo, and individual and collective interests. Participation and responsibility will be reconciled with a free and democratic participation of the people (SEP, 1994b:11 ). 10 In this context, ludian free textbooks seem to be focused on conlent related to Indian cultures, whereas the National ones are focused on mestizo national ideals. Because National free textbooks are mandatory, lndian children should use both kinds of textbooks in school. 11 Thus, lndian children are supposed to learn both ludian and national cultures 10 The translation is mine. . This rule is currently appliedfar National free textbooks but no/ for the lnd1an ones. Not ali lndian schools have the lndian textbooks. The reason far this is no/ yet clear. 11 �152 / lmage ofthe indian in Mexico~ indigenousfree textbooks letis1a Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoñQ / spring-fa/1 2004. Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / through the use of their native languages and Spanish. subjected to social life and family maintenance. Failure carrying the responsibilities out of an individual may affect the entire farnily nucleus. 153 The indian free textbook and ethnic identity ludian free textbooks are saturated with cultural values. They expres.1 the way oflife, beliefs, and customs ofMexico's indigenous groups. Toe Nahuatl books from the Huasteca and North Puebla regions consistently present certain values as basic elements ofNahuatl culture. Life is the basic value; it is the reason and the essence of the indigenous cultural practices. In these textbooks, life is represented as nature andas the community itself. Therefore, human being activities are directed toward the preservation of life. Indian free textbooks present the activities of Indian people dif. ferentiated by gender and age. Each gender, adult or child, has a distinct relation to Indian cultural values that also points to their ethnic identity. Ethnic identity is not only expressed through the garments or the native language, but also through accomplishing established social roles for men, women, and boys and girls that allow for survival and cultural maintenance. Activities distinguish gender and age differences within the community, in the same way that clothing and language play an identify· ing role. Gender activities in these books reveal their relation to survival and ethnic identity: men and women work to survive while at the same time that work helps them to remain Indians. These textbooks present the individual as part of rural life, the family, and the community to whicb they are linked through work. Toe central values included in the Jndian free textbook are family, community, collective work, land, coro, and knowledge. TheFami/y Although the nuclear family is present, the extended family is the preferred farnily structure depicted in Indian free textbooks. These textbooks illus· trate that the extended farnily is natural to human beings; therefore, the individual is portrayed as a member ofa social group (SEP, 1993a: 16-19). Toe indigenous human being is a member of a farnily and a community before he or she is an individual, which means that individual life is In these books the family and the home are strongly linked. Toe man is the provider and the woman is the housekeeper (SEP, 1993a: 38, 46, 73; SEP, 1993b: 30-31, 49). Toe family lives in the house, where most of its vital sustenance activities take place. That is, all members of !he farnily both work and reside in the house. Many activities are distributed by gender, which are distinguished by the physical space where !he children carry them out. Although the activities may be the same, the boy usually performs his tasks outside the home while the girl does them inside (SEP, 1995: 10-19; SEP, 1994a: 10-13). Toe family's equilibrium appears to reside in the relationship between the farnily and the home, where the Indian individual, the family, and the home are integrated elements of nature, and nature is an integrated element of life. Each family member has a responsibility to fulfill in order to maintain the equilibrium, that is, to preserve the culture. Toe Nahuatl family is presented in the free textbook as a patriarchal structure in which the Nahua man has clearly defined social functions, and women's functions are sometimes ambiguous. For instance, the Puebla textbooks depict a mother with limited participation in her children's education. At times she is portrayed as an advisor to the children, but this role is often obscured by the grandfather's role as the main transmitter of cultural values (SEP, 1993b: 36, 44; SEP, 1993a: 15, 20, 135). He ensures lhat farnily members carry out their responsibilities and maintain the custom. Toe grandfather has a greater presence in the children's education Iban the mother or the grandmother. He is responsible for transrnitting the lradition, the history, and the reason for being Indian, whereas the mother leaches them how to behave and to perfonn certain tasks. Although the mother advises only her children, the grandfather teaches ali children in tbe cornmunity, and the grandmother has no educational tasks at ali (SEP, 1993a: 135, 137; SEP, 1994a: 7, 30). In summary, the grandfather guides the performance of the costumbre, the mother takes care of the household, and the father provides food. Whereas the woman gives life, the man works to maintain it and �154 / lmage afthe indian in Mexica s indigenous free tertbooks to preserve it in a certain way. These roles are presented in the context where the Indian is a poor, rural, peasant, a hard worker, a producer, and a consumer of maize, and is responsible for the sustenance of the family since childhood. These textbooks suggest that patriarchal hierarchy presupposes an authority that is achieved through experience and the maintenance of traditions and custom. Toe old man symbolizes tradition; that is, he is familiar with the culture because he has lived the community's past. Although the Indian free textbook presents the grandfather as the custodian of the costumbre, its preservatien is not defined by traditional traits such as the clothing. Men, women, boys, and girls use both traditional and non-traditional clothes. 12 On the other hand, the activities related to the oficio consistently appear through images and texts (SEP, 1993a: 94; SEP, 1993b: 13, 16, 18). Toe oficio 13 is the defining element ofmale and female activities within the family. Hence, there have been importan! changes in certain aspects of Nahuatl culture, but they have not touched the division of responsibilities involved in domestic life and family survival. Toe poor Indian is a constant in the textbook, which suggests that much of the Indian's daily activities are perfonned in order to survive. In this context, any change the woman may advocate would expose the family itself. The main value the textbooks teach is that the family is the nucleus of the community and the central element in defining ethnicity. Exposing the family implies jeopardizing the organization for surviving and also threatens Indian identity. 12 For instance, thefirst grade textbookfrom Puebla (SEP, 1993a) has 53 women and 111 men in total. Ofthese individuals 29 are girls, 24 adult women, 29 boys and 82 adult men. Five ofthe 29 girls, (17.24%), 13 ofthe 24 adult women, (54.16%), 4 ofthe 29 boys, (13. 79%) , and 18 ofthe82 adult men (21 .95%) wear traditiona/ clothes. Neverthe· less, it is noteworthy that men general/y wear a white shirt, a man s traditiona/ garment. {~ is ª!so noteworthy that women are more likely to wear the traditional costume. Th1s paper employs the concept of oficio as proposed by Rubén Reina and Robert M Hi/1 Il (1978). The oficio is the specialized productive activity of Jndian towns in Guatemala. lt is defined by custom that involves not only the production, but a/so the distribution of necessary goods. These are always produced with the same materia/s and techniques to create the same kind ofproduct. They argue that innovations could be made only if the costumbre is not threatened. Under sorne circumstances, peop/e may engage in non-traditional activities as long as they de not conflict with custom. For the purpose ofthis paper, the same conce¡,t could be a/so applied to the/ami/y. 1/e,isra Penpecffvas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-Qtoiw / springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. J y 2 / 155 The Community Although the family is the center of survival, it cannot exist outside the community. It is linked to the community through specific ways of living, language, land, and commerce (SEP, 1993b: 92, 119-131 ). Rites, ceremonies, and activities that are performed in the community link the families who are united by tbe land and the language. Toe family's relationship to the community is like the indigenous individual 's relationship to the family. That is, the individual is not conceived of isolated from the family, justas the family is not conceived of separated from the community. Through responsibilities, the indivitiual is as loyal to the family as the family is to the community. Toe family gives identity to the individual, as the community <loes to the family. In these textbooks, the ethnic identity is transmitted to the community through rites, ceremonies, and the fulfillment of those cultural values that are supported by the family, such as collective work, com planting, and traditional costumes. Land and language give ethnic identity to the community. Land is the unifying space, justas language is a symbolic force. In the land, unity is achieved through work, whereas in language, unity is accomplished through oral tradition. According to these textbooks, markets and schools are central places of community life where relations are extended among Indian communities in a region. The fonner is not only a means to earn a living, but also a way to supply the family with products it does not produce. The market is the place to sell the family produce and conduct social relations. Men and women sell their products. Women buy them, sometirnes accompanied by a man; bowever, women typically establish contact with the seller and select the merchandise (SEP, 1993b: 119). In the market, men not only sell but also carry the merchandise in their backs, a traditional way to transport their products from home to the market and vice versa. For these textbooks, Nahuatl communities distinguish themselves by continuing a way oflife, as the ancient people did in the region (SEP, 1993b, 120-21). Men and women link thernselves to the community through work When the school is involved in the relation between tbe individual and the community, the gender- and age-based activities are permeated by �156 / Image of/he índian ín Mexico s indígenous free textbooks values ascribed only to the school. This is the only place where women can perform non-traditional activities according to these textbooks. Such activities are characterized as being performed outside the home, i.e., teaching children to read and write. Toe school is a kind of "neutral" place where boys and girls acquire the universal student ethos. School plays a dual game of cultural change and continuity. On the one hand, as part of a current program within Indian life, it gives Indian children opportunities that Indian people did not have before. On the other hand, it is the inheritor ofAztec school traditions, where gender activities were established in ways similar to current Indian life. School is also the place where adult men and women can change their relationship with the community and their social role within it. While a woman makes tortillas at home, she can also teach the alphabet at school (SEP, 1994a:80). That is, if she usually relates herself to sustenance at home, she relates herselfto formal knowledge at school. In this context, cultural continuity bears the weight ofthe tradition as well as the desire to preserve the culture. School is, for these textbooks, the place where children Iearn their Ianguage, their history, their own cultural values, and also their costumbre. Lamí, Corn, and Collective Work Land, com, and work are sources of life. In the Indian free textbooks these cultural values are consistently related to each other. Individuals 'relate themselves to land through work. Work has both social and environmental meaning. Individuals work for both family survival and environmental continuity. That is, the Indian as part of nature helps to preserve the environment, thereby generating a life cycle. Although work is a burden, because it is the means of survival, it is also a cultural value. It is the way through which individuals relate themselves to nature and also a means for interaction among themselves. The Indian transforms nature to live with it. In this context, each individual's tasks are fundamental aspects of the continuity oflife. Land is a tie among families andan element of spatial and cultural belonging. Images of men sowing the land in a traditional way suggest they have the knowledge to cultivate and harvest regional food. They also imply mastering the agricultural calendar, agricultural tools, agricultura) rituals, the organization of labor, etc. That is, sowing the land requires a diverse knowledge that is part of daily life and a basic element of ethnic identity. Rnil/0 Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. Jy 2 / 157 Com is the nourishment for excellence for Indian people. They relate themselves to com through work for its production and its transformation as food. In the Nahuatl textbooks, com production is associated with men's and boy's work, whereas com transformation is associated with women's andgirl's work (SEP, 1993b: 30-31, 49). Maize is presented as the inheritance of the ancestors that was left by Centeotl, "the god of com". Therefore, corn is an element ofthe tradition and life cycle. Com is sustenance and the reason to work. Moreover, working the family's milpa and the maintenance of town buildings, such as the school, require the participation of several people. Work is a coUective enterprise for activities conceived of as responsibilities for family and community members. Work is portrayed as a common responsibility. As has been mentioned above, the activities of family members are delimited by gender and age. The following is a compendium of the activities represented in the Nahuatl free textbooks from the Huasteca and North Puebla regions for the fust and second primary grades: Woman Man grinds corn, and makes sows and grows com; be is tortillas; she transfonns the family's provider raw food into sustenance cleans the house carries com with the tumpline takes care of the cbildren takes care of the domestic animals makes pottery meets other men to agree upon community matters -looks for wild fruit and vegetables buys and sells in the builds roads and houses market Weaves with a backstrap plays musical instruments loom advises her children Elders transmit the culture and advises the family Girl makes tortillas Boy helps bis father in the field cleans the house carries firewood takes care ofher siblings feeds the domestic animals attends school feeds the domestic animals attends school carries water carries water �158 / lmage ofrhe indian in Mexico 's indigenous free textboo/rs Toe relationships among family members and between them and the community are also established: - Toe mother is related to the family through water and food processmg - All family members are related to each other through work, which is directed mostly to obtain and transform crops into sustenance - Family men relate to the community through collective work and rituals. All community members are related to each other through a common history originating in Aztec times. They have the same language and share a characteristic costume. They also share the following values: - The individual is part of nature - The house, as physical space, is an element of nature - The family is the center of the community - Life experiences are expressed through the elders' wisdom - Land is an element of identity - Custom must be maintained - Elders must be respected - Nature must be respected - Work is part of life - Solidarity, poverty, responsibility - ludian identity must be maintained Finally, individuals, families and Indian communities relate to fate by praying and through the ancient gods, who are masked as Christian gods. J,,iJtaPenpectivas Sociales I Social Pen;pectives Journa/ primavera--0/oño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 159 the community. Toe one who has knowledge is the person who should guide the community. In these textbooks, the grandfather is the person who has the knowledge. He obtained it through his experience and bis re.5pect for the culture. He expresses his knowledge by using his native language. He speaks Nahuatl, sowed com, and worked for the family and the community. The textbooks present two k.inds of knowledge: that of the community and that of the school (SEP, 1993b: 15, 36). Each one has adifferent locus: the elders in the former and the teachers in the latter. These books implicitly express the idea that the elders cannot become thecommunity's teachers, but teachers could become community leaders without being old. The teacher is portrayed asan organizer and guide, with thepeculiarity ofbeing able to fail at the performance of costumbre. The elder man is presented as a sage because he has experience in performing costumbre and using his language. Mastering the native language makes him a "real teacher" of children, but only at the level of language. The power of reading and writing is related only to school; thus these are the school teacher's tasks and knowledge. In these free textbooks the language plays a role in communication, identity, and belonging. Knowledge of the Nahuatl language meaos being Indian, defending his or her ewn culture. However, transmitting language seems to be a man 's task mere than a woman 's. Toe relationship of women to the knowledge of language is presented as an element of a woman's life, but not part ofknowledge itself. Although she speaks to her children, and she gives advice, she is nota wise person. In the textbooks ofthe Puebla region, the old woman suffers from a lack of knowledge. She appears a few times with defined activities. In the book fro~ the IIuasteca region, the grandmother has the same activities at home as the lllother. In both books the only recognized sphere of cultural knowledge for women is the community's health, although that too is shared with lllen. Both male and female healers are sages within the community. Knowledge Knowledge is portrayed as a value in the ludian free textbooks. lt is a product of experience and the ancestors' legacy inherited from genera· tion to generation of elders. Knowledge comes from past grandfathers One major difference between the Huasteca and Puebla textbooks to present elders to complete a cycle of cultural knowledge. It implies is the women's ownership of knowledge. In Huastecan books, womeh mastering the history of the community, the costumbre, the values tbat P<>ssess knowledge associated with formal education, including reading preserve the Indian identity, and represents power within the family and and writing their native language. This meaos that the lndian woman is �160 / Image of the indian in Mexico s indigenous free textbooks Rt,i,ta Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoñc / springfa// 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / also a bridge between Indian and national societies. Male teachers promote change and permanence. Female teachers also foster both, but they closea cultural cycle because they are always related to the house, although they are at school. Puebla textbooks do not present this situation. Although men teachers are promoters of cultural change and cultural maintenance, women are associated only with permanence. Values Toe following values are included in the lndian free textbooks according to gender. These values are associated with the Indian family as the textbooks conceive it: Family - extended - nucleus of the community - base ofethnicity - base of individual 's life - element of nature 'I' • ; oQ Man -father, provider, responsible for family's survival - transmits culture and tradition - preserves culture and tradition - tied to work in the milpa -authority of tbe family (grandfather) and the community (elders)-patriarch - physically strong Woman - mother, responsible for family's survival - transformer of com, cook - responsible for collective order and customs - adviser ofher children -no authority within the community Man and Woman share - being linked to land - being tied to rural work - being tied to the family - being tied to tbe community - being subjected to poverty - being com consumers - being hard workers - being detached from modero technology - being elements ofnature - having an ethnic identity The indian free textbook and the national identity Toe Mexican free textbook is a socialization agent. Its content could become part of a student's values and beliefs. Topics included in free textbooks are institutionally defined by the Ministry of Education and involve not only educational goals, but also the orientation of the na· tional educational policy as well. Because the main interest of Mexican educational policy is the promotion of nationality vía the education of ali citizens, learning the values included in free textbooks is necessaTY for maintaining the national society. Indian free textbooks are official educational tools for promoting both nationality and Indianness. 161 Nahuatl free textbooks present three levels ofidentity: the Indian, !he Nahuatl from the Puebla and Huasteca regions, and the national one. Being Indian means being poor, rural, peasant, a producer and consumer of coro, responsible for producing crops, technologically unsophisticated, a hard worker responsible for the family's survival since infancy, apreserver of ethnic identity, and a possessor of values that should be preserved. Group identity is conveyed primarily through language, in the membership community, and belonging to a region. National identity is represented in the Indian free textboek through national symbols and the Mexican Constitution. National identity is related to Nahuatl identity through the origin of national identity symbols. These symbols represent the history of Nahuatl people transformed into national mythology. The national myth lhatsupports the national symbol is part ofthe Nahuatl people's history. Following the Nahuatl free textbooks, current lndian tradition has its origin in prehispanic times. Citizenship belongs to Nahuatl people for historie reasons. Citizenship is notan assigned condition. For Nahuatl free textbooks, being Mexican <loes not mean living according to the values of the national society. Being Mexican is acquired naturally by history. Nahuatl people are the legitimate inheritors ofMexico's land, going back to the birth of their ancestors. They continue the life of their ancestors as told them by their grandfathers. From a Nahuatl point of view, the motherland's symbols are not necessarily associated with school. Toe eagle standing on a cactus, devouring a serpent, is directly related to Nahuatl history. Toe images of schools in the Nahuatl textbooks are associated more with the process of learning to read and write than the sense of nationality. Toe national flag, national anthem, and the National Constitution are not always part ofthe school context; 14 nevertheless, the Nahuatl free textbook suggests that these symbols are taught in school through these textbooks. Thus, national symbols are linked to schools, even though they appear to be llnrelated. 11 Converse/y, in the 1980 and 1994 versions, the Mexican lntegrated Textbook for the first and second grades relate to national symbols to the school. �162 / Jmage ofthe indian in Mexico s indigenous free textbooks The relationship between national symbols and the school is not lost in the Indian free textbooks. Toe social role of the Indian schools is to promote the national identity. Thus, there exists a school-family dichotomy in which each has a different social role. National identity as formal learning remains, modifies, and redefines itself as long as the school exists and transmits national values. This circumstance is important in indigenous education, because the school is becoming a formal meaos of ethnic redefinition. Indian schools could reinforce or revive the culture and customs of the Indian community through language. Toe term "revive", however, irnplies a loss of cultural values. On the other hand, the knowledge of Indian culture is becoming a specialized knowledge for the natives themselves. Toe textbooks promote respect for the law and portray the state asan abstract authority from which Indians receive protection. Law gives the Indians the possibility ofbeing recognized as Mexicans. In these books Indians do not deny the national identity. Toe real problem stems froro those non-Indians who do not recognize Indians as part of the Nation. These textbooks present the Indian who exists. Actual Indians attempt not only to be tolerated by non-Indians, but to be recognized as existing and different. For discussion For decades, groups of Indians have questioned the policy of incorporate them into national society and also the idea of integration of a national culture. Can Indians be part of the nation while also maintaining their culture and ethnic identity? It seems that one answer to this question is that Indians can incorporate themselves within the state's legitima~ institutions. Through these channels, they can struggle to participate 111 the political arena and influence the policy-making, i.e., living accord· ing to the rules of the "mestizo" game while still protecting the cul.~ of Indian people. Groups of Indians, such as teachers, have done this 111 the educational field by using institutionalized educational material promoting Indian identity and culture in lndian languages. Toe Indian free textbooks were based on guidelines from national educational programs but, the_ir topics try to be adequate to the linguistic and cultural conditions oflndian children. Although free textbooks still need to be irnproved to lt,ist,¡ Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño/ springfal/ 2004, 10/.6, Num. l y 2/ 163 give them a more specific and consistent cultural frame, they already include basic cultural values relate• to family, community, and social relations in general. The existence of free textbooks for Indian children in their own languages implies conscious action by teachers in order to manage the formal education of Indian youth. Indian education requires the participation of native teachers with native language skills. This condition has given Indian teachers, most of the a GEI, the possibility to participate 15 in its definition. Mastering an Indian language helps Indian teachers against non-Indian intervention dueto the complexity ofcontent textbooks already have. Only specialized people in Indian languages could sanction theirwork. Conclusion Language is a meaos of human communication and also an element of identity. For Indian teachers, language is a cultural barrieras well as a political tool within the national context. Toe cultural content of indigenous free textbooks is an example of lndian participation within institutions that directly pressure Indian cultures. Indian teachers are participating in Mex.ican education through recognized institutions. They have achieved influence for political action in order to promote Indianness. However, these Indian free textbooks offer a world view where poverty and rural lifeare major Indian cultural values. These books teach children to keep a way of living, without questioning the status quo o[ both Indian life and national society. Nevertheless, the lndian free textbook itself has made the Indians participants in the national educational program. Free textbooks are one forum in which Indians have manifested their inclusion within the Mexican Nation. With lndian free textbooks, the Indian is empowered to be literate in his or her own language. Indians not only have a written language, but have their own meaos to learn it in an institutionalized framework. This situation benefits the Indian people as 15 In interviews given to m e, lndian officia/s from the DGEJ said that the on/y teachers authorized to teach lndian children are Indian. They are identified as s uch because they speak an Jndian language. Besides this, the intermedia/e positions are general/y COvered by lndian teachers within the structure ofthe Dirección General de Educación Indígena. �164 / /mage ofthe indian in Mexico sindigenous free textbooks well as the state. The former gains a political forum from which they cannot be excluded. The latter is legitimized by including Indians in its developmental programs. They want to be recognized as members of the Nation andas actors ofthe national program. After ali, Mexico as a modero Nation was founded on the land oftheir ancestors. f&ri!JaPerspet:tivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journa/ primavera-otoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 165 References Barre, Marie-Chantal ( 1983). Ideolo:ía indigenista y movimientos indios en México, México, Siglo XXI. Boege, Eckart (1988). Los mazatecos ante la nación. Contradicciones de la identidad étnica actual, México, Siglo XXI Editores. Bonfil Batalla, Guillermo (1991). "Las culturas indias como proyecto civilizatorio " en Arturo Warman and Arturo Argueta (coords.), Nuevos enfoques para el estudio de las etnias indígenas de México, México, Centro de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias en Humanidades UNAMMiguelAngel Porrúa, pp. 121-142. - - (s/f). Identidad y pluralismo cultural en América Latina, Puerto Rico, Universidad de Puerto Rico. Congreso de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (1958). Diario de los debates de la Cámara de Senadores, XLIV Legislatura, diciembre 29. Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas y Alianza Nacional de Profesionales Indígenas Bilingües, A. C. (1982). "Política educativa y cultural de los Grupos étnicos de México", Anuario Indigenista, no. 42, diciembre, pp. 125-155. Heath, Sherley Brice (1972). La política del lenguaje en México, México, Instituto Nacional Indigenista. Hemández, Franco G~briel (1979). "De la educación indígena tr-adicional a la educación indígena bilingüe bicultural ", Revista Mexicana De Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, no. 97, julio-septiembre, Nueva Epoca, pp. 27-39. King, Linda (1994). Roots of identity: language and literacy in Mexico, Stanford, California, Stanford University Press. Medina, Luis (1974). "Origen y circunstancia de la idea de unidad nacional", Foro Internacional vol.15, no. 3, pp. 265-298. �166 / lmage ofthe indian in Mexico s indigenous free texrbooks loÍ!l<1 Pmpectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journaf primavera-ctoño I spring-fa/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I 167 Mejía Piñeiros, María Consuelo y Sergio Sarmiento Silva ( 1987). La lucha indígena: un reto a la ortodoxia, México, Siglo XXI Editores. Solana, Femando (1982). Historia de la educación pública en México, México, SEP- Fondo de Cultura Económica. Meneses Morales, Enrique (1988). Tendencias educativas oficiales en México 1934-1964, México, Centro de Estudios Educativos-Universidad Iberoamericana. Taggart, James Mounsey (1975). Estructura de los grupos domésticos de una comunidad de habla náhuatl de Puebla, México, Instituto Nacional Indigenista-Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes. Nahamad, Salomón (1980). "La educación bilingüe y bicultural para las regiones interculturales de México", en Indigenismo y lingüística. Documentos del forro "La política del lenguaje en México", México, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Tovar, Martha Patricia (2004).http://www.unesco.cl/medios/biblioteca/ documentos/estudio_educacion_ poblacion_rural_mexico.pdf?menu=/ esp/ept/docdig/. Nutini, Rugo G. (1974). Los pueblos de habla náhuatl de la región de Tlaxcala y Puebla, México, Instituto Nacional Indigenista-SEP. Reyna, Rubén y Robert Hill II (1978). The traditional pottery of Guatemala, Austin, Texas, University ofTexas Press. Secretaría de Educación Pública. ( s/f. ). Memoria 1976-1982, México. - - - (1976). Política Educativa l. Memoria, México. ___ (1993a). Lengua náhuatl del Norte de Puebla. Primer ciclo. Parte I. México - - - (1993b). Nauatlatoli. Lengua náhuatl del Norte de Puebla. Primer Ciclo. Parte II. México. - - - (1994a). Nauatlajtoli tlen Uaxtekapaj tlali. Lengua náhuatl de la región Huasteca, Hidalgo. Primer Ciclo, México. - - - (1994b). Orientaciones para la enseñanza bilingüe en las primarias de zonas indígenas, México, SEP - Dirección General de Educación Indígena. - - - (1995). Nauatlajtoli tlen Uaxtekapaj tlali. Lengua náhuatl de la región Huasteca. Hidalgo. Segundo Ciclo, México. \Tilla Lever, Lorenza (1988). Los libros de texto gratuitos, México, Universidad de Guadalajara. �le,isla Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño/ springfa/12004, 10/.6, Num. I y l / 169 Desarrollo urbano, fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales en Hermosillo, Sonora, México Rebeca Moreno Zúñiga* Abstract Toe following article examines the processes and meanings associated with the acquisition of country real states in Hennosillo, Sonora, Mexico. ltcan be considered that the acquisition has a simple commercial character; however, it is argued that it obeys to a cultural practice where emotive and affective processes are involved. This study used an ethnographic perspective and Bourdieus 's concept of habitus. Resumen El presente trabajo aborda la compra de lotes campestres en la ciudad de Hermosillo, Sonora, México y los significados que se construyen en tomo a los predios campestres . Se podría considerar que la adquisición tiene un carácter estrictamente mercantil. Pero también obedece a una práctica cultural y puede analizarse atendiendo a procesos emotivo-afectivos, conformados en un contexto social determinado. La etnografía y la categoría de habitus de Pierre Bourdieu fueron empleados para el estudio del problema planteado. Introducción La adquisición de un lote campestre en las inmediaciones de los centros urbanos en México constituye una transacción comercial común que rebasa, empero, el umbral de lo meramente económico. Se trata al mismo tiempo de una práctica simbólica. 1 En ella se renueva un habitus entendido como un conjunto de disposicienes duraderas como son las formas de pensar, sentir, percibir y actuar de un grupo social. El habitus designa así la cultura intemalizada que se renueva en determinadas situaciones *la autora esprofesora de cátedra e investigadora del Instituto Tecnológico y de Esiudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM). Su dirección electrónica es rebecamoreno@itesm. IIU; 1 Los conceptos de práctica simbólica y práctica cultural se utilizan indistintamente. �170 / Desarrollo Urbano.fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales ltmta Perspectivas Sociales I Socia/ Perspectives Journal primavera-ctoño I spring-fa/12004. Vol.6, Num. 1y 21 en Hermosillo. Sonora, México ligadas al desarrollo de las estructuras sociales (Bourdieu, 1990). En este caso concreto nos referimos a la modernidad urbana y los procesos migratorios que inciden en el crecimiento de las grandes urbes. El habitus se articula a través de las formas de acción de los individuos; sin embargo, no surge de ellos. El hecho de que el habitus refiere a una forma de conducta compartida por un conjunto de sujetos sociales indica que se relaciona con estructuras socioculturales supraindividuales. Constituye, por lo tanto, una subjetividad compartida por un grupo de individuos con experiencias afines (Bourdieu, 1990). Lo anterior permite afirmar que la subjetividad y las emociones se desprenden de valores y concepciones socialmente compartidas, en otras palabras, son fenómenos sociológicos. En el presente estudio analizaremos desde esta perspectiva teórica la adquisición de lotes campestres por habitantes de la ciudad de Hermosillo (Sonora, México). Dichos individuos son migrantes procedentes de la sierra sonorense donde algunos de ellos pasaron su niñez; otros, en cambio (los hijos de migrantes), escucharon acerca de estos lugares rurales a través de los relatos de sus padres. En el aspecto metodológico recurrimos a la etnografia ya que nos pareció el método más apropiado para desenmarañar la trama de significaciones, para estudiar las emeciones y reconstruir la subjetividad de los individuos ligados a la adquisición de predios campestres. Se trata de una etnografía de tipo experimental que plantea nuevas formas de descripción de la realidad estudiada a través de la narrativa y las notas personales del investigador. económicos. Los crecientes niveles de concentración poblacional (la ciudad alberga a medio millón de habitantes) se articulan asimismo por medio de la demanda por espacios de recreación y descanso, fenómeno que ha dado lugar a la creación de numerosos fraccionamientos campestres en las afueras de Hermosillo. Uno de ellos es el fraccionamiento Real del Alamillo que sur~ó dentro de los terrenos de una antigua hacienda. Fue pensado por la empresa desarrolladora como una gran huerta que ofreciera un ambiente familiar que se asemejara a los pueblos y donde la gente plantara árboles 2 frutales. Al principio se ofrecieron lotes de cuatro mil metros cuadrados, lo suficientemente grandes " ... para que hagas tu palapa, tu asador, tu pila; para que la pases en familia a gusto; siembra árboles... Eso es lo que buscamos" (Marcos Urquidez, subgerente). El fraccionamiento fue presentado a nivel publicitario como un lugar" ... donde el tiempo se detiene" a semejanza de un pueblo antiguo.3 Al adquirir un lote, los compradores - familias de los más diversos estratos socioeconómicos4 - lograrían encontrar un espacio para alejarse de la rutina diaria en la ciudad. Sin embargo, esta idea se empezó a alejar pronto conforme los habitantes de Hermosillo empezaron a explorar- al estilo de los suburbios de los años cuarenta en Estados Unidos - nuevos lugares residenciales distanciados del centro, los cuales les brindarían tranquilidad y formas de vida más saludables. El fraccionamiento campestre transmutó en un espacio residencial permanente. Estos cambios se plasman en la publicidad que utilizó la empresa fraccionadora para promover la venta de sus terrenos. Mientras que en 1 Extensión de la mancha urbana y fraccionamientos campestres Desde la década de los ochenta, la ciudad de Hermosillo, capital de Sonora, ha entrado en un rápido proceso de expansión urbana impulsado por el desarrollo de la industria, el comercio y los servicios. La mancha urbana se está extendiendo al grado que está invadiendo las zonas rurales que la rodean. Sin embargo, no todo el suelo incorporado al perímetro urbano que mide en la actualidad 82.4 kilómetros cuadrados sirve a fines 171 El subgerente del .fraccionamiento record• lo siguiente: "... en aquel tiempo existían dos .fraccionamientos de este tipo (Los Pinos y Las Granjas) y estaban ofreciendo lotes campestres. Entonces se p ensó en esa opción [ ..]; se buscaba un ambiente familiar, la gente salía a los pueblos o salía a las orillas de Hennosil/o. Entonces (pensamos) que ']'Vieran su pedacito de tierra para que se juntaran ahí los fines de semana.. " Marcos Urquidez lo expresó así: "cuando por ejemplo va uno a un pueblo ¿no?, y ve las casas antiguas y cosas de esas, pues ese pueblo no cambió, siguió siendo igual, se detuvo el tiempo ... era más o menos la idea también. " /.,l.T . 11ay de todo[ ..] de todos los niveles porque muchos se esforzaron por tenf!r un terrenito, pues dábamos crédito por medio de la misma empresa... Pues hay carpinteros, hay plomeros, hay herreros, hay licenciados, hay profesionistas, hay políticos. Hay de todo, no hay algo en especial. "(Marcos Urquidez) �172 lffl!to Perspectivos Sociales I Social P=peclives Journa/ primaver0--0toño I springfa/12004, / Desarrolla Urbano, fracci-Onamientos campestres y prácticas culturales Vol.6, Num. 1y 2 / l 73 en Hennosillo, Sonora, México 1983 publicitó el fraccionamiento de forma directa como espacio habitacional ("Se construyen casas para vivir. .. ¡para quedarse!"), catorce años después, en 1997, lo promovió como "un nuevo modelo de vida... una nueva manera de vivir" que no se restringe al momento efunero del presente sino que perdura en el futuro. Como llave hacia un nuevo 'modelo de vida', un lote residencial promete, además, superar la dicotomía entre campo y ciudad, ya que viviendo ahí permitiría a sus habitantes gozar del contacto con la naturaleza y la pacífica vida del campo sin renunciar a las comodidades de la ciudad. Esta sugestión se subrayaba en el folleto promociona} mediante un color verde manzana con 'vivos' en un verde más fuerte, y un dibujo en blanco y negro de una carretera que conduce a una zona arbolada con pequeños cerros. .. Es obvio que el discurso promociona} buscaba crear una visión positiva del campo. No se hace alusión al campo como un espacio social lleno de problemas estructurales, pobreza y carencias socioeconómicas, sino como el lugar ideal para la convivencia familiar, el encuentro con los amigos, un chapuzón en una alberca o la carne asada: todas ellas actividades que ciertos grupos sociales en la ciudad ligan con actividades de fin de semana en un lote campestre. Adquirir un lote en el fraccionamiento residencial significaría así entrar en posesión de un lugar donde los individuos podían relajarse de la vida agitada de la ciudad y escapar del tráfico y el congestionamiento de la misma al momento de sumergirse en un ambiente repleto de tranquilidad, felicidad, naturaleza. Además, el discurso rememoraba los idílicos tiempos de los pueblos y los recuerdos de la infancia; proponía reencontrar este pasado idealizado en el presente del fraccionamiento campestre. Más aún, las familias podían gozar de todas estas ventajas al tiempo que su propiedad aumentaría de plusvalía gracias a la incesante expansión urbana. en las zonas costera y fronteriza de Sonora. Este desarrollo invirtió por completo la distribución regional de la población en el estado. Mientras que a principios del Siglo XX, el 55% de los sonorenses habitaba en la sierra y el 27% en la llanura, para 1986 las montañas albergaban ya sólo el 10% del total en tanto que el 66% radicaba en la pradera (Camou y Chávez, s/f). El proceso migratorio impuso a Hermosillo una conformación cultural particular. Se trata de una ciudad que aloja en su seno la arquitectura moderna propuesta por Abelardo L. Rodríguez durante los años cuarenta al igual que las visiones posmodemas de los años ochenta y noventa. Es habitada por las generaciones de inmigrantes que viven entre el desarraigo, la nostalgia y la memoria5 de un pasado perdido, por un lado, y las exigencias de la vida urbana, por el otro. Sin embargo, la vida en la ciudad no resulta del todo placentera. Los problemas con el servicio de agua, la dinámica social en general y la creciente inseguridad en las calles han impulsado el dese• de muchas familias por encontrar áreas residenciales más reconfortantes en los alrededores, donde lograrían reafirmar los nexos primario-afectivos relacionados con las comunidades. No sorprende, por ello, que la existencia en la ciudad está referenciada permanentemente a la matria: concepto propuesto por Luis González YGonzález para designar la producción cultural histórica de carácter regional, local, barrial o parroquial. Es la unidad tribal culturalmente autónoma y económicamente autosuficiente, es el pueblo entendido como conjunto de familias ligadas al suelo, es la ciudad menuda en la que todavía los individuos se reconocen entre sí, es el barrio de la urbe con la gente agrupada alrededor de una parroquia[... ] es la colonia de los inmigrados a la ciudad[ .. .] es el pequeño mundo de las reiáciones personales y sin intermedio (Luis González citado por Núñez s/f: 3). l La compra de lotes campestres como una práctica cultural Desde la década de los años veinte, la sierra sonorense se ha despoblado gradualmente ya que la minería y la ganadería extensiva no lograron mantener su desarrollo productivo y perdieron poco a poco su importancia socioeconómica. La población rural aesocupada encontró una nueva base de vida en los polos de desarrollo urbano e industrial que emergieron Para Halbwaches, la memoria colectiva es "una memoria vivida por el grupo en la continuidad y en la semejanza a sí mismo, lo que permite contraponerla a la memoria histórica, que sería la memoria abstracta de los historiadores, que periodiza el pasado, lo inserta en una cronología y pone énfasis en la diferencia" (Giménez, 1986: 45). Por 111 parte, para Fossaert la memoria colectiva es "aquella que se constituye en y por el discurso social común, en el seno de las redes sobre todo primarias, pero también Sf.cundarias de sociabilidad, que dan origen a la proliferación de grupos o de colectividades concretas fuertemente autoidentificadas y conscientes de su relativa estabilidad a través del tiempo. " (Giménez, /986: 45). �174 / Desarrollo Urbano,fraccionamientos campestres y práctica, culturales J/etisla Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 I en Hermosillo, Sonora, México Según Núñez Noriega (s/f) la referencia a la matria representa, para los habitantes de la ciudad de Hermosillo venidos del campo, una forma de resistencia: "el panorama cultural de los cantos al terruño, de los corridos al pueblo, a la ciudad o al estado de las viejas historias contadas y cantadas". Se caracteriza por estructuras emotivo-afectivas6 que se traducen en nostalgia, en sentimientos de pérdida y de desarraigo y en la idea de otredad, es decir, en la idea de ser diferente al otro, de constituirse con una identidad propia. Pero, además, "estos discursos[...] introducen una serie de principios de diferenciación al interior del estado. Las poblaciones de la costa en cuanto son las que reciben casi todo el impacto de estos proyectos, se constituyen en los signos de civilización [ ... ] las comunidades al margen de estos discursos pierden no sólo poder económico y político, sino también poder simbólico" (Nuñez, 1993: 315). Así, las poblaciones serranas se convierten en símbolo del atraso y de la ignorancia. . Aun cuando las estructuras emotivas se transforman al entrar en contacto con otros códigos de significación más operativos o prácticos, algunos de sus elementos logran permanecer en los individuos. Se manifiestan en la vida diaria de muy diversas maneras: a través de las caravanas del recuerdo o las canciones populares (Viva Tepupa, por ejemplo), las obras de teatro regional (Se sopla mejor a los cuarenta; Huevos rancheros). Estas emociones y sentimientos no se pueden desligar de la compra de un terreno campestre. Desde nuestra perspectiva, esta operación comercial rebasa el ámbito de una simple acción de compra-venta. Refiere a una de las tantas manifestaciones culturales que emergen de una memoria colectiva cifrada en la nostalgia y el desarraigo que constituye la herencia de generaciones. A través de la adquisición de un terreno campestre los sujetos recrean los espacios abiertos; parecen respirar de nueva cuenta el aire fresco, limpio y cargado de recuerdos de la sierra donde vivieron en algún momento sus padres, sus abuelos o ellos mismos. En otras palabras, las disposiciones, producto de los procesos migratorios rural-urbanos de los años cuarenta, cincuenta y sesenta y de la experiencia de la dinámica urbana, se actualizan en la adquisición de terrenos campestres. 6 Lo que Raymond Williams llamaría 'estructura de sentimientos' o lo que Bourdieu llama 'habitus •. que más adelante explicaremos con mayor detenimiento. 175 No obstante, es preciso dejar en claro que la compra de un terreno campestre puede deberse tam, ién a otros motivos: un medio para dejar asentado el prestigio social de un sujeto o una forma de inversión. Se trata, empero, de motivos que no excluyen los elementos simbólicos ligados al desarraigo sociocultural y la nostalgia de muchas generaciones de migrantes rural-urbanos. La adquisición de terrenos campestres y el hahitus Según Bourdieu (1996), existe una relación entre las características socioeconómicas de un grupo social, su lugar en el espacio sociai7 y la forma como organiza simbólicamente su vida, es decir, su habitus. El habitus constituye un sistema durable de categorías y esquemas de percepción y apreciación así como de formas de acción que es constituido socialmente por cada grupo. Los miembros de una clase social adquieren el habitus de su clase (por ejemplo, el gusto por cierto tipo de comida, ropa, formas de entretenimiento, etcétera) a través de un aprendizaje implícito oexplícito al momento de interactuar con los demás integrantes de su condición social. El habitus refiere así a una subjetividad socializada que es renovada constantemente a través de las prácticas sociales de los individuos. En otras palabras, el habitus representa la matriz de las prácticas sociales al igual que de los gustos y preferencias (Nuñez, 1994: 218). Por ser constituidos socialmente los individuos que comparten un mismo habitus se reconocen entre sí y se integran como grupo. En este sentido, los gustos y preferencias al igual que las emociones o las aspiraciones de los individuos no son libres y fortuitos, sino refieren siempre al " ... modo en que la vida se adapta a las posibilidades estilísticas de su condición" (Núñez, 1994: 169). Los migrantes rural-urbanos en Hennosillo comparten un mismo habitus que se expresa en sus prácticas cotidianas (por ejemplo, a través de sus diversiones, los deportes que practican o que les gusta observar, los objetos que adquieren, sus formas de comunicación, entre otros) y los usos que dan a su espacio, su tiempo o los objetos que les rodean. Visto así, es posible afirmar que la adquisición de un lote campestre constituye 7 El 'espacio social', según Bourdieu, "es el espacio práctico de la existencia cotidiana, C(Jnsus distancias guardadas y marcadas" (1988: 169). �176 / Desarrollo Urbano.fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturo/es en Hermosil/o, Sonora, México una práctica cultural que emerge de un habitus específico de este grupo social8. La ciudad está creciendo y, como todas las ciudades en México, está experimentando un crecimiento anárquico y esto causa angustia por la inseguridad que hay. Tal vez por esta razón compré el lote y también por sentirme ligado a la tierra, por reproducir prácticas familiares de origen rural [...] como una terapia para descansar del trabajo, algo que me permite distraerme, hacer trabajo fisico, hacer hoyos, zanjas, plantar árboles. .... Cuando éramos pequeños mi papá nos llevaba al monte, a un arroyo, buscábamos leña, nos metíamos al agua, convivíamos. Mis papás eran de origen rural, de Sinaloa. Tal vez esa pudiera ser una explicación de por qué ese afán f.)Or el trabajo fisico, el gusto por el campo; la nostalgia del rancho, como dice Ernesto... (Trinidad agrega) yo mismo hice el cerco, seleccioné el tipo de cerco, me corté con el alambre, sangré. Mi sangre está en el cerco (ríe). Incluso compré herramienta: pala, pico, machete; para el trabajo duro. Para mí es una forma de emotividad reprimida. Trinidad Yo en lo particular lo compré con la ilusión de convivir con la familia ahí y en un futuro tener cultivo de hortalizas, frutas; tener la satisfacción de comer lo que yo cultivé; o, si la veo a manera de negocio, tener una granja con fines de lucro. Para mí es una satisfacción comerme una fruta o alguna hortaliza si sé que yo mísmo la cultivé. Me va a saber más rica .... 8 Los entrevistados son en un 90% profesionistas, en un 6% dueños de pequeños comercios y en un 4% empleados o jubilados, lo cual los ubica desde su propia perspectiW entre los sectores medios. El 50% de los propietarios entrevistados son de la sierra SI> norense ubicada al norte del estado, un 20% llegó a la ciudad de Hermosillo procedente del sur del estado (Guaymas, Navojoa, Huatabampo) y un 5% de la frontera con Estados Unidos (Nogales). El 75% de las personas entrevistadas son primera generaci~ de migrantes, mientras que sólo la cuarta parte de éstas son segunda generación IÍ migrantes. Ahora bien, la compra de un lote campestre es expresión de lo que Bourdiel llama 'gusto ' y que sabemos parte de un 'habitus' de grupo, específicamente de udJ clase social, en nuestro caso no hablamos de una clase social (aunque nuestros entref' istados pertenecen a los sectores medios) sino de un grupo social específico: la primetD y segunda generación de migrantes. lttiJtJPmpeclivas Sociales I Socio/ Perspectives Jouma/primavera-ctoño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / porque es fruto del esfuerzo, producto del sudor. Yo no quiero el lote para ir a embrutecerme ahí con cerveza, como muchos, ni para hacer de él un muladar acumulando cosas; yo más bien lo quiero para ir a cultivar y como alusión al amor al trabajo que me enseñó mi padre. Jorge Yo inicialmente lo compré por inversión, con miras a poner una granja; es mi anhelo (para) cuando me retire de la vida empresarial. Cuando sea vieja quiero criar aves como gallinas, patos... Tal vez esto es cuestión educacional porque siendo niños (ella y sus hermanos) mi abuela nos enseñó a cuidar aves allá en Empalme. Ella todavía vive allá. Lupita A mí me fascina aquí, limpiar los rodetes de los árboles, vengo casi todos los días, una o dos veces a la semana[ ...]. Yo me crié en un rancho (Mazatán). Ahora los árboles están llenos de azahares, me encantan [...] No se te puede quitar la cosa del arraigo del campo, andar entre las choyas, los mezquites [... ]. Como que te vas encariñando cuando ves que los árboles dan fruto, que los nietos corren. Mercedes Hace 8 años que compramos el lote. El lote no es mío, era de mi papá pero él murió de una enfermedad y mis hermanos y yo decidimos quedarnos con el lote por algo sentimental. Para mi 'apá' era su pasatiempo [ ... ]. Mi papá era de Topahue, pero vivimos en un pueblo que se llama el Zacatón que está cerca de San Miguel de Horcasitas... Mi papá compró el lote para cuando se jubilara cemprar unas vaquitas, ir y estar allá. Mi papá plantó en el lote naranjo, toronja, guayaba, limones, higueras, plátanos, membrillos, chiltepines... Ahora cuando vamos al lote nos ponemos a regar las plantas, a fertílizarlas, a podarlas [...]. No falta qué hacer cuando uno está allá. Martín 177 �178 / Desarrollo Urbano,jraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales en Hermosillo, Sonora, México Todos los entrevistados comparten un mismo tipo de placer ligado a la vida rural: cuidar plantas y animales, hacerle rodetes a los árboles o "comerse lo que uno cultiva". En estas frases emerge el concepto de la economía de autoconsumo -que es propia de las sociedades campesinasal igual que el trabajo físico que se recoge con orgullo como herencia de los padres y como recuerdo de la niñez. Sin embargo, estas actividades que son recordadas con una nostalgia que parece borrar sus aspectos cansados y fatigosos sólo caben en la vida de los entrevistados como parte de su tiempo libre, como entretenimiento y diversión. El cultivo y el cuidado de la tierra en las huertas campestres no siguen criterios económicos (por ejemplo, productividad, rendimiento, ganancia), sino forman parte de un trabajo emocional: al cuidar, fertilizar los árboles frutales y las reducidas extensiones con hortalizas, los sujetos cuidan una parte de su afectividad que no se ha logrado satisfacer a través de actividades más propias de la vida de la ciudad. El cuidado de los mini-campos de cultivo se convierte en un espacio social para la recuperación simbólica de los lazos familiares que se modifican paulatinamente en la vida citadina, donde los horarios de los miembros familiares se alejan gracias a las agendas de las empresas y escuelas. Es en la huerta, alejada de las instituciones citadinas enajenantes que sujetan a los individuos a su propia dinámica, donde parece abrirse un espacio de reencuentro al sentarse juntos, al preparar conjuntamente la comida, al compartir los alimentos o al observar los niños jugando. Por los niños. Aquí uno no tiene que cuidarlos [...). Ya ve en Hermosillo, ya no pueden andar en bicicleta --es muy peligroso--; además aquí aprenden lo que es el campo ... Madero Aquí es para comer (hay unas mesas y bancas de madera). Aquí (haciendo referencia a un asador montado sobre azulejos) los muchachos (sus hijos, que son seis) hacen carne. Allá está la pila para mis nietos. Tengo mi casa (que está construida con ladrillos); tiene todo: cocina, baño. Y allá tengo ese pozo. Javier llmJa Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jwma/ primavera-otoño/ spring-fa/11004, Vol 6, Num. I y 2 I 179 La convivencia aquí es más relajada, aquí los niños hacen lo que quieren: corren, nadan en la pila, juegan [.. .]. Yo hice que mis nietos plantaran una matita de fríjol y que cuidaran de ella. A los niños les gusta mucho. ¡Da gusto ver la cara que ponen! León La satisfacción emocional no emana sólo de lograr por momentos una intensa convivencia familiar y de canalizar la nostalgia en una forma de interacción placentera, aunque poco duradera en el presente, sino al percibir entre las generaciones jóvenes - los hijos y los nietos- la aceptación del legado cultural rural a pesar de que su forma de vida se encuentre más fuertemente estructurada por la vida en la ciudad. Si bien los intentos por recuperar estilos de vida asociados al campo evidencian una resistencia a aceptar por completo las formas de interacción social y el ritmo dictado por instituciones extrafamiliares, las cuales parecen exigir la obediencia total de los sujetos como única vía para salir adelante, esta resistencia no es total. La vida en el lote campestre durante los fines de semana integra también elementos propios de la ciudad como la búsqueda de prestigio y estatus social. Pruebas de ello son el uso de la tecnología y las disposiciones de espacios en los lotes campestres: parabólicas que mantienen a los residentes en contacto con el resto del mundo; piscinas que comunican prestigio y posición social, estilos y materiales de construcción que rompen abiertamente con la cultura arquitectónica de los pueblos y ranchos. El lote campestre ofrece un escape de la vida común en la ciudad. Al mismo tiempo es el escenario para poner en marcha una obra de teatro sobre la vida rural, preparada y llevada a cabo con gran esmero. Por ello no sorprende que sus directores y estadistas retoman incluso elementos campiranos que se relacionan con los estereotipos de la vida rural puestos en circulación por las películas westerns producidas en Hollywood: los espacios se construyen sobre extensiones considerables de pastos y jardines; las fuentes de agua se convierten en elementos netamente decorativos al estilo de los jardines de la aristocracia europea que contrastan extrañamente con las canastas de básquetbol de la cultura americana. Una nota del diario de campo ilustra esta mescolanza de estilos e identidades: J �180 / Desarrollo Urbano.fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales en Hermosillo, Sonora, México La casa de León tiene un camino encementado; una valla de rosas lo bordea y conduce hasta la entrada de la casa. La casa es de ladrillo sin enjarrar y tiene a un lado una chimenea que se dibuja desde afuera; el techo de tejas californianas sirve de base a una antena parabólica. Malena vive de manera permanente en el fraccionamiento campestre desde hace diez años. Ella está casada y tiene dos hijos adolescentes que también viven aquí. El lote tiene una casa bien equipada, con jardín y cochera. En la parte trasera pudimos ver a unos albañiles construyendo unos cuartos; el material usado para su construcción son ladrillos hechos con tierra de un pozo que hicieron en el terreno. En este pozo Malena planea hacer una alberca. Malena fue de las pocas personas que nos permitió entrar a su casa. le,iJla Penpectivas Sociales I Social Perspeclives Joumal primavera-otoño / springfall 2004, 101.6, Man. J y 2 I 181 para hacerse de dinero, bienes, prestigio y estatus sociales. No obstante, apesarde sus condiciones afortunadas, muchos perciben un cierto vacío emocional con relación a sus lazos íntimos que creen poder subsanar recreando un escenario de vida campirana feliz. Ello revela que el habitus no es una forma acabada y permanente sino una estructura en proceso de transformación de acuerdo con las experiencias de los sujetos y grupos sociales. El éxito de los fraccionamientos campestres demuestra que este vacío emocional, este descontento casi subliminal con la vida urbana, no constituye un problema de algunos cuantos individuos sino que marca la experiencia de muchas personas y familias que comparten un cierto trasfondo social tanto en el presente como en el pasado. Por otra parte, el habitus también es un medio para que los individuos se reconozcan mutuamente como un grupo. Es ahí donde el habitus se recrea y se estabiliza. La decoración de la casa combina elementos 'modernos' como una co- cina integral, un ante comedor, con elementos prehispánicos materializados en artesanías mexicanas. La casa está construida en desniveles, las paredes enyesadas en color blanco y verde. Pareciera que se está en una casa de las que aparecen en las revistas especializadas; las artesanías no encajan. En la entrada de la casa pudimos ver otros elementos decorativos como una guacamaya de cartón duro, un venadito hecho de pequeños troncos de madera, una tortuga de piedra, una silla de madera rústica (con apariencia de pudrición) con una maceta de barro encima. En la parte trasera del jardín hay una noria falsa que tiene la función de macetero; una pequeña estatua de piedra representa a San Francisco de Asís. En la parte delantera del jardín se encuentra un estanque sin agua; un patito de yeso completa el cuadro. La casa de Malena es usada regularmente para fiestas con familiares o amigos, [...] carnes asadas, piñatas y reuniones de café con las vecinas del fraccionamiento. Diario de campo Las incongruencias estilísticas y las paradojas en el escenario arquitectónico articulan con agudeza las contradicciones en los discursos identitarios de estos migrantes rurales acomodados que, a diferencia de muchos otros migrantes, han encontrado en la ciudad un espacio idóneo Sin embargo, lo anterior no significa ~ue el habitus se conserva para todos los integrantes de un grupo de la misma manera. Dado que un grupo social constituye un conjunto heterogéneo estructurado por la edad, el género, la religiosidad y otros elementos sociodemográficos, es obvio que el mismo habitus se modifica en función de cada subgrupo. Ello puede dar lugar incluso a conflictos y rupturas o a experiencias emocionales marcadas por la preocupación, la angustia, el disgusto o cualquier otro tipo de emoción. Esto se observa con claridad cuande los migrantes tematizan la actitud de sus hijos o nietos hacia el lote campestre: Por la ilusión de estar en el monte, porque aquí puedo montar. Aquí me gusta porque uno puede cultivar o sembrar algo para comer. (Cuando se le cuestionó sobre eso de la ilusión del estar en el campo, respondió...) Yo soy de Álamos y mis papas así me criaron. (¿Con sus hijos pasa lo mismo?) Es diferente; yo estuve trabajando treinta años y pues rio me di el tiempo de inculcarles, ellos sí vienen al lote pero a 'pistear' (sic). Yo creo que sí les gusta y a fin de cuentas esto es para ellos; de todas maneras como es uno, son ellos. Raymundo �182 / Desarrollo Urbano.fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales en Hermosillo, Sonora, México Por la ilusión de estar en el monte, porque aquí puedo montar. Aquí me gusta porque uno puede cultivar o sembrar algo para comer. (Cuando se le cuestionó sobre eso de la ilusión del estar en el campo, respondió...) Yo soy de ÁJamos y mis papas así me criaron. (¿Con sus hijos pasa lo mismo?) Es diferente; yo estuve trabajando treinta años y pues no me di el tiempo de incuJcarles, ellos si vienen al lote pero a ' pistear' (sic). Yo creo que sí les gusta y a fin de cuentas esto es para elfos; de todas maneras como es uno, son ellos. Raymundo (Su familia no comparte el gusto que él siente por visitar cada fin de semana el lote campestre. Cuando se le preguntó por qué, contestó...) Porque ellos son más citadinos. Tengo cuatro hijos, el mayor tiene 22 años. Cuando tenía unos 4 años no salía de allá (del lote campestre). A los quince ya no quería ir. Así también la más chiquita, ahorita tiene 14 años, ya va a cumplir 15. Lo que pasa es que ya no quieren perderse el programa de televisión o los amigos. Ahora los que van son los sobrinos más pequeños. José Luis Real del Alamito está a menos de 30 minutos de la ciudad de HermosiUo y eso me ha llevado a pensar en vivir allá, tranquilo, seguro, amplio[...]. Probablemente si me voy a vivir al Real (del Alamito) no venda mi casa en Hennosillo, pero sí quiero construir una casa en Real del AJamito que me permita satisfacer las necesidades de la familia ... Vivir allá me permitiría estar más cerca de la tierra, ver crecer los árboles, aunque esto significaría negociar con mi hija. A mi mujer sí le gusta pero no va mucho porque tiene un niño pequeño. En cambio mi hija que tiene 11 años no le gusta ir al lote; piensa que va a perder el tiempo. A ella le atraen más las actividades más urbanas como ver televisión, estar con sus amiguitas, ir al cine, ir a los centros de diversión • a comer hamburguesas. Para mí es un reto poder interesar a mi hija. Trinidad t,,it,Prnpectivar Sociales / Social PerspectivesJournal primavera-otoño / springfall 2()()4, Vol.6, Num. I y 21 183 ies o como sus nietos. Cada generación nueva - hijos, nietos, bisnietos -empezó a perder parte de esta vinculación simbólica y material con el pasado rural. Más aún, dado que los jóvenes naciero? en un entorn~ citadino, no experimentan los procesos de desarraigo soc10cultural que siguen articulándose en los sueños nostálgicos de sus padres y abuelos. Por lo mismo, no experimentan la misma necesidad de recrear el pasado rural ni 1ampoco amor por el terruño. Para esta generación de jóvenes, la visita al ble campestre de su padre se justifica como un tipo de diversión cuando se organiza, por ejemplo, una fiesta con amigos o cuando se requiere una casa para un fin de semana. Ellos no encuentran placer ni satisfacción en cuidar de la tierra, cultivar o en cualquier otro trabajo físico ligado al campo. Prefieren ver televisión, ir al cine o comer hamburguesas en vez de pasar horas o días en la finca campestre. No obstante, la transformación del habitus no es total. La resignificación de los aspectos duraderos ael habitus conserva la base primaria, de tal manera que la adaptación a la nueva situación sigue conservando mucho de la memoria colectiva construida en un contexto social diferente: bsierra. De ahí que las referencias a la matria y las formas culturales matrióticas sean comunes aún entre las siguientes generaciones, que han heredado un cúmulo de disposiciones originadas en contextos diferentes pero que conviven con otras relacionadas con la vida urbana. Conclusiones El desarrollo urbano de Hermosillo se encuentra marcado por el proyecto urbanístico y cultural de la modernidad que aporta ' modelos de' y ' modelos para', los cuales guían la interacción entre los individuos. Por lo tanto, la modernidad no sólo se articula en términos urbanisticos, en estilos, diseños y modelos de planeación urbana sino propone al mismo tiempo un proyecto cultural que estructura las formas de vida de los habitantes. Esta modernidad urbanística no se puede desligar de procesos SOcioeconómicos poco favorables para las zonas rurales que se convirLas entrevistas apuntan a considerables diferencias entre aquellas tieron en regiones expulsoras de mano de obra. Estos migrantes acogieron personas que se socializaron durante su infancia en el espacio rural Y la modernidad urbana de forma particular. aquellos otros que nacieron ya en la ciudad como hijos de padres migran- �184 / Desarrollo Urbano, fraccionamientos campestres y prácJicas culturales lllatl Pmpecti>m Sociales / Social Penpeclives JOllnlal primavera-otoño I spring-fa/11004, Vo/.6, Num. I y Z I en Hermosillo, Sonora, México La subjetividad propia de las primeras generaciones de inmigran. tes (es decir, de quienes han experimentado de manera directa o indirecta ese proceso de desarraigo) contiene elementos de memoria y disposiciol!C.5 que orientan y moldean el 'yo ideal': su concepto de lo que deben ser, sus aspiraciones y preferencias que, por su parte, se cristalizan en prácticas específicas. La subjetividad de muchos de estos inmigrantes rurales es atravesada por la nostalgia y por un vínculo afectivo con el pasado rural que no se quiere abandonar. En su ambiente citadino estos inmigrantes recrean este pasado idealizado: las caravanas del recuerdo, las obras de teatro regional, la literatura, la música popular, la recreación del habla de la sierra, la compra de un terreno campestre son algunos de sus expresiones más palpables. Ello indica que el territorio no se pierde necesaria e inmediatamente al cambiarse de un espacio residencial a otro muy diferente. El territorio como elemento simbólico sigue vigente en la ciudad mediante el apego afectivo, el recuerdo del pasado individual y familiar, la memoria colectiva. En otras palabras, el territorio representa un elemento interiorizado por los individuos que les permite mantener el vínculo con el lugar "de donde se es" y a "donde se pertenece". Dicho lazo se expresa tanto a través de la nostalgia como de la esperanza de poder retomar en algún momento de la vida al terruño. Mientras llega ese momento, los migrantes que cuentan con suficientes recursos materiales se consuelan con la adquisición de un terreno campestre. 185 ala parcelización de los espacios rurales, a la destrucción de ecosistemas ya la intensificación de la problemática ambiental. Bibliografia Bourdieu, Pierre ( 1988). La distinción, Madrid, Editorial Tauros. --- (1990). Sociología y Cultura, Colección Los Noventa, México, Editorial Grijalvo, CONACULTA. - --- (1996), Cosas dichas, Barcelona, Gedisa. Camou Healy, Ernesto (1994). "La nostalgia del rancho. Notas_ sobr~ la ' cultura urbana y la carne asada", en Sooko Doode y Ema Paulina Perez (comps.), Sociedad, economía y cultura alimentaria, Hermosillo, CIAD yClESAS, pp. 54-72. 1 Camou Healy, Ernesto y José Trinidatl Chávez (s/t). Sonora y sus regiones, Hermosillo, CIAD y UNISON. Chávez, José Trinidad (s/t). Identidad y cultura regional: el caso de_los inmigrantes serranos y los empresarios agroganaderos en Hermos1llo, &'1, fotocopias. Estas necesidades simbólicas no han quedado desapercibidas Claval, Paul (1982). Espacio y poder, México, Fondo de Cultura por parte de las empresas inmobiliarias. Con tal de estimular la venta de Económica. sus predios campestres, los fraccionadores comerciales han desarrollado discursos publicitarios que hacen alusión expresa a lo inhóspito de la urbe Encinas, Luis (1967). Sexto informe de gobierno, Hermosillo, Gobierno moderna y a los precios que cobra la modernidad urbana a sus habitantes del Estado de Sonora. (el estrés, el deterioro de la salud, la inseguridad). Como solución ofrecen al cliente un predio campestre cuya adquisición le permitiría escapar &cobo~ Gámez, Gilberto ( 1995). Hennosillo en mi memoria. Cró~ca, de los males citadinos y sanar sus heridas afectivas y sociales. Si bien Colección Sono Historia II, Hermosillo, Sociedad Sonorense de Histoestas estrategias de venta suelen ser muy exitosas, estabilizan al mismo ria. tiempo los problemas provocados per la expansión urbana. Por un lado, se neutraliza la presión social por reconvertir a las ciudades en espacios García Canclini, Néstor (1990). La cultura, México, Grijalbo. residenciales cultural y afectivamente placenteros y, por tanto, en incre· Geertz, Clifford (199 l ). La interpretación de las culturas, México, Editomentar la calidad de vida de sus habitantes. Por el otro lado, contribuye rial Gedisa. �186 / Desarrollo Urbano, fraccionamientos campestres y prácticas culturales en Hermosillo, Sonora, México ltrillo Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/primavera--0toño I springfa/12004. Vo/.6, Num. / y 21 187 Giménez Montiel, Gilberto (1986). La teoría y el análisis de la cultura, Guadalajara, Secretaría de Educación y Cultura, Universidad de Guadalajara, Consejo Mexicano de Ciencias Sociales. Nuñez, Guillermo ( 1991 ). Sexo entre varones. Poder y resistencia en el campo sexual, Hermosillo, El Colegio de Sonora, Universidad de Sonora. ------- (1996). "Territorio y cultura", Colima, Universidad de Colima, conferencia magistral, 1996. -----(1993). "La Sierra como representación. De su aparición a los discursos de resistencia de Rodolfo Rascón Valencia", XVIII Simposio de Historia y Antropología Sonora, tomo II, Hermosillo, Instituto de Investigación Histórica de la Universidad de Sonora, pp. 312-320. Gobierno del Estado de Sonora (1994). Sonora progresa, Hermosillo. ------- (1994). Progreso municipal en Sonora, Hermosillo. ------- (1996). Sonora, cinco años después, Hermosillo. ------- (1997). Historia general de Sonora, tomos IIl y IV, Hermosillo. H. Ayuntamiento de Hermosillo (1995). Plan Municipal de Desarrollo 1995-1997, Hermosillo. Karp, Lian (1992). Semblanza de Hermosillo a través de las crónicas, Hermosillo, H. Ayuntamiento de Hermosillo, El Colegio de Sonora. ------- (1987). Cultura popular/Cultura urbana. (El caso de los nombres de las calles de Hermosillo), Hermosillo, El Colegio de Sonora. ----- (1993). "La metanarrativa de progreso y la emergencia de las subalternidades. El caso de la sierra en Sonora, México ", Revista de El Colegio de Sonora, no. 6, Hermosillo, pp. 32-40. ----- (s/t), Modernidad y afecto. El canto a tres productos culturales serranos, s/1, fotocopias. ----- (s/t). El proceso modernizador y producción cultural regional: el matriotismo como forma de resistencia, s/1, fotocopias. ---- (1995), "La invención de Sonora: región, regionalismo y formación del estado en el México postcolonial «el siglo XIX", Revista de El Colegio de Sonora, no. 9, Hermosillo, pp. 9-14. LópezAlvarez, Luis (1993). Las calles del viejo Hermosillo, Hermosillo, Publicaciones del Fondo Privado de Fomento Cultural. Peña Sierra, Eisa y José Trinidad Chávez (1985). "Ganadería y agricultura en la sierra (1929-1980) ", en Historia contemporánea de Sonora (1929-1984), vol. 5, Hermosillo, El Colegio de Sonora, 1985, pp. 11-23. Méndez Saínz, Eloy (1992). "Política urbana y arquitectónica en Hermosillo, década de 1940 ", Revista de El Colegio de Sonora, no. 4, juliodiciembre, pp. 42-57. Pérez López, Ema Paulina (1995). Ganadería y campesinado en Sonora. Los poquiteros de la sierra del norte, Colección Regiones·, Hermosillo, CONACULTA. ------- (1992). "El Plan especial Hennosillo ", Ciudades, no. 12, México, pp. 21-28. Pineda, Nicolás (1993). "Rescatar la sierra de Sonora", Revista de El Colegio de Sonora, no. 5, Hermosillo, pp. 25-31. -------( 1995). "Fonnación de la ciudadregión. De la modernización prolongada a la modernidad tardía en Hermosil/o ", Revista de El Colegio de Sonora, no. 9, enero-junio, pp. 22-31. Ramírez, José Carlos (1985). Hipótesis sobre la historia económica y demográfica de Sonora en la era contemporánea del capital ( 1930-1990), Cuadernos de trabajo, no. 1, Hermosillo, El Colegio de Sonora. �t,,isJo Perspeclivas Scciales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoful spring-fall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. / y 2 / 189 Redefining politics, participation, and citizenship: Non-governmental organizations in Monterrey Krista M. Brumley* Resumen En México las organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG's) surgieron como nuevo actor social después de varias crisis económicas, políticas y sociales que tuvieron lugar desde la primera mitad de los años ochenta. Durante la última década han ganado una importancia creciente en el plano político al grado que hoy en día representan la primera línea desde donde se reclaman los derechos ciudadanos ya que el crecimiento económico ha producido una erosión de los pocos derechos sociales y civiles existentes de la ciudadanía. En este artículo se analiza el papel de las ONG's en la creación de una ciudadanía más expansiva e incluyente. Mediante entrevistas profundas a líderes y miembros de dos ONG's de Monterrey, México, voy a explorar cómo estas organizaciones han retado al sistema político al luchar por los derechos de ciudadanía social y civil. Demostraré que estas demandas tienen un carácter transformador cuando son articuladas, pero que cumplen en la práctica una función estabilizadora del sistema. A pesar de estas contradicciones, ambas organizaciones analizadas juegan un papel importante en la política local y han abierto caminos a grupos tradicionalmente marginados del proceso político. Através de su participación los líderes y miembros de las ONG's han redefinido la política y la ciudadanía. Abstract Non-governmental organizations emerged in Mexico as new social actors following several economic, political, and social crises since the early 'Krista M Brum/ey is a professor in the DeJlartment ofInternational Relations and Política/ Science, Tec de M onterrey (kbrum/ey@itesm.mx). This research was supported in part by N ational Science Foundation Grant SES-0302192. The author wou/d /ike to tlrank Apri/ Brayfield, Kevin Gotham, Beth Rubín, and Ignacio Irazuzta for comments 0 n ear/ier versions of this p aper. Thanks 11/so to the anonymous reviewers al Social Perspectives. �ReYiita Perspectivas Sociales I Social Penpectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño! springfall 2004, Vo/.6, Num. / y 2 / 1980s. In the past 10 years they have gained increasing importance in politics such that they have been at the forefront of demanding citizenship rights as economic growth has seen an erosion of what few civil and social citizenship rights existed. This article seeks to analyze the role that NGOs play in the creation of a more expansive and inclusive citizenship. Using in-depth interviews from leaders and members of two NGOs in Monterrey, Mexico, I explore how these organizations challenge the political system as they push for civil and social citizenship rights. I illustrate how these demands are transformational in their articulation, but are system-stabilizing in their practice. Despite this inconsistency, the two organizations play an important role in local politics and have opened avenues for groups that have been traditionally marginalized in the political process. Through their participation in the NGOs, the leaders and members are (re)defining politics and citizenship. ing Latín American authoritarian governments. NGOs took on a critica! perspective and redefined their role and participation as a new form of social intervention. They worked on small-scale projects aimed at helping the poor resist política! and economic exclusion (Landim, 1987).2 NGOs were counterparts to grassroots movements that represented autonomy and independence from the govemment towards the objective of widening the political process (Bebbington and Thiele, 1993). They no longer used the •'welfare" perspective and insteaa favored "participation." Toe focus of development was also redefined and become "increasingly identified with structural social transformation and the pursuit of citizens' rights" (Landim, 1987:31). The standpointofpolitical resistance and denouncement pitted the NGOs against governments that represented a marked change from the "cooperative" NGOs of the 1950s. Introduction :; 191 190 / Redefining politics, participation, and citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmental organizations in Monterrey In the past two decades non-governmental organizations 1 have become increasingly visible world wide. In the case of Latín America, the explosion ofNGOs occurred after the fall of authoritarian governments beginning in the mid-1980s. While today there may be more NGOs in terms of numbers and visibility, they are not new to the region. Non-governmental organizations took on a role of cooperation with Latin American gov· ernments in the 1950s. Many NGOs functioned as charities or welfare agencies and distributed food surplus from wealthier countries to the poor (Landim, 1987; McDonald, 1994). As cooperative NGOs, they were not challenging the governments' social, economic, and political policies. Rather they sought to participate in the modernization project to bring the region up to speed with more industrialized countries. Toe character of non-governmental organizations shifted again in the mid-l 980s with the emergence of a new world order that promoted apolicy agenda focused on economic and political restructuring.3 In the context of economic restructuring, NGOs have been increasingly taking on the role previously occupied by governmental agencies by essentially fi.11ing in the gap as the government withdraws because of the need to reduce social expenditures (Arellano and Petras, 1994; Broadhead, 1987; Hulme and Edwards, 1996). Rather than broad-based social service programs, governments have been engaged in targeted assistance (Oxhom, 2003). While NGOs have always provided services to those not reached by the formal market, under neo liberal economic policies, they have become the preferred channel for the provision ofsocial welfare services in deliberate substitution of government programs. In the contextofpolitical restructuring, NGOs are strengthening ¡ When the política! landscape of the region changed in the rnid· 1960s, local and national NGOs demonstrated their tenacity by challeng· 1 In this article I use the definition of NGOs by Wi/letts (1996) who states that a non· governmental organization is "an independent voluntary association ofpeople acting together on a continuous basis, for some c• mmon purpose, other than achieving governmental office, making money, or il/egal activities." 1 define common purpose to in· dicate that the organization has specific goals to promote economic, political, or social development. . The term resistance refers to ejforts in opposition or to make a stand rather than to re/rain or abstain. In this way, resistance and participa/ion are complementary terms. To Participa/e does not necessarily mean to 'agree 'and acts ofresistance that challenge ~he economic, social, and political conditions are ways ofparticipating. Economic restructuring rejects government-led economies andca/ls for market-driven economies based on neo/ibera! polices. By neoliberalism, 1 refer to a set of econom,c po/icies that advocates markets and open competition, privatization, deregulation, free frade, and the free movement ofcapital, labor, and services throughout the global economy. Political restructuring is the shift towards democracy while rejecting various forms ofauthoritarian governments. �192 / Redejining po/itics, participation, and citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmental organizations in Monterrey civil society and have become a vital part of creating and consolidating 4 democracy. In this way, NGOs may work as vehicles for democratization and as a counterweight to government power and competition for political parties by opening up channels of communication and participation, providing a training ground for activists, promoting pluralism, and thus contributing to the making of political actors (Chant and Craske, 2003; Lehmann and Bebbington, 1998; Segarra, 1997). NGOs are also importan! in the move toward decentralization of government which gives them a greater role in defining development at the local level (Gideon, 1998). NGOs also provide technical assistance to community based organiz.ations, particularly with ethnic groups (Eckstein and Wickham-Crowley, 2003). NGOs today exhibit increasing complexity as they appear to encompass both the characteristics ofthe cooperative NGOs ofthe 1950s in addition to the critica! perspective of the 1960s and 1970s. Therefore, the original optimistic view of their potential as an avenue for marginalized social groups to have their voices heard has come into question. Moreover, NGOs also vary in terms of size, funding sources, sta:ff, organizational form, and strategies, as well as taking positions that can be conservative or more liberal when making their demands that range from social services to advocacy groups. 5 Despite the diversity, one characteristic they have in common is that NGOs have "brought new conceptions of rights 4 The term civil society is contested and scholars do not agree on a definition or how to use it ana/ytical/y. For the purposes of this article, 1 divide society into three parts: government, the private profit-making sector, and civil society. However, I a/so recognize that the lines between civil society and government as wel/ as civil society and the profit-making sector are not a/ways clear. For example, NGOs resist subordina/ion o/ the government at the same time they demand inclusion into the political system. A,u/, economic structures shape the context within which NGOs develop. Therefore, civil society is a dynamic process that stresses the interaction of actors. For an excellent review ofcivil society definitions and uses, see Arditi 2004. 5 There is a burgeoning amount ofresearch on NGOs which has raised questions over the definitions and roles ofthese organizations. Sorne differentiate among international NGOs, local or national NGOs, and community-based organizations (see, Hu/me a1IIÍ Edwards, 1996; MacDona/d, 1994; Meyer, 1999). Others claim that NGOs are pub/ic~ registered and receive financia/ support (see Landim, 1987 citing Mario Padron). In Mexico, "NGOs are legal/y defined as 'civil associations, 'or nonprofit organizations 0/ individuals (Fox and Hernández, 1992). Tltil/DPerspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journa/ primaverMJtoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. l y 21 193 and spark new identities" (Eckstein and Wickham, 2003:23). NGOs have continued the dialogue of the 'right to have rights' in their e:fforts torestore or improve civil and political rights and seek substantive social rights by framing demands "as a basic right of citizenship" (Craske and Molyneux, 2002: 1). Toe purpose of this article is to examine the role of non-govemmental organizations in the political process of Monterrey, Nuevo León, Mexico. My objective is to contribute to the discussion of the activities ofNGOs in relation to their demands of citizenship rights. 6 I argue that NGOs participate in the struggle and challenge to the boundaries of citizenship, as a more expansive and inclusive concept. By expansive, Imean that citizenship rights go beyond political participation at the voting polls to include social and civil aspects. By inclusive I mean that access to the political power structure is increased for social groups that have traditionally been on the margins of politics, namely women and the poor. To illustrate this argument, I analyze two NGOs in terms of the types of citizenship demands as well as the nature of the organizational demands. My data reveal that these two organizations have three roles in their pursuit for social and civil citizenship rights: as public policy-makers, as educators, andas service providers. In their role as policy-makers NGOs seek to expand civil citizenship whereas when the NGOs act as service providers and as educators they seek to secure social citizenship. Ipurport that although the NGOs began by articulating transformational citizenship demands in practice the nature ofthose demands have become system-stabilizing. In this way, the NGOs illustrate both characteristics of maintaining a critica! stance and working with the government. Non-governmental organizations and citizenship The framing ofdemands in terms ofcitizenship rights clearly corresponds with democratic transitions that began in the mid-l 980s when NGOs and other forms of collective action began to call into question the lack of substantive rights. The concept of citizenship, however, is contentious. 6 Studies on NGOs encompass many .frameworks within the social sciences, such as development andfeminist theories, Marxist and pluralist perspectives as well as col/eclive action and social movements. The purpose of this article is not to reitera/e these theories, but to move in a new and different direction. �194 / Redefining politics, participation, ond citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmentol orgonizotions in Monterrey l!llltl Persp,x:tivm Socio/es / Socio/ Penptx:tfres Journol primovero--otoo / spring-fo/1 2004. Vo/.6, Num. I Y 2 I The traditional definition states that it is a status given to "those who are full members of a community," whereby ali "who possess the status are equal with respect to the rights and duties with which the status~ endowed" (Lister, 1997:14). This definition universalizes the concept and does not allow for differences based on various social characteristics, such as gender, class, and ethnicity. lt also does not take into account the variety of social, political, and econornic contexts which shape the granting of citizenship rights as well as the ability of individuals to fulfill their obligations. 7 Toward understanding the different dimensions of citizenship, T.H. Marshall (1950) documents the case of Great Britain where there was a slow growth of citizenship directly related to the changing natureof the state and the rise of capitalism. Specifically, he argues that the growth of civil rights in Great Britain (and other industrialized countries) began in the 17th century. Civil citizenshi¡t includes those rights necessary for individual freedom and liberty, such as the freedom of speech, tbought and faith, the right to own property, and the right to justice anda fairtriru (i.e., rule oflaw). The extension ofpolitical rights largely occurred in the late 19th century and the 20th century. Política! citizenship is the rightto vote, affiliate with a political party, and run for public office as well as the right to join associations, such as unions, social movements, NGOs, and other types of collective action. Finally, it was not until the 20th centwy, and primarily after World War II, that industrialized countries began to extend social rights to its citizenry as the welfare state emerged. Sociru citizenship is "the right to economic welfare and security," as well a{ the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life ofa civilized being according to the standards prevailing in that society" (Mar· shall, 1950:8). Social rights thus encompass a wide spectrum, including housing, health care, education, urban services, transportation, sec~cy and public safety, and employmenl and labor issues as well as identtcy 195 rights, such as sexuality, gender, ethnicity, race, and cultural rights. Tbe process by which citizenship has expanded a~d ~eco~e more inclusive is important because the creation of citizensh1p nghts m Mexico has undergone a different pattern of development from Western European countries and the United States. Important_ly, ~itizenshi~ rights are not defined differently than these advanced cap1taltst countnes, but the order in which they were implemented in Mexico has been different. Modero capitalism has brought a reverse order of what occurred in the Western countries. That is, political citizenship has largely been granted in the context of inadequate civil citizenship and steadily declining social citizenship that was granted for the most part under popu~ist ~tyle politics and embedded in clientelistic relations which meant social nghts were given in exchange for electoral votes (Craske and Molynuex, 2002; Oxhom, 2003). Arguably political citizenship in Mexico has been improving over !he past twenty years. For example, the political terrain ~oday in~lu~es more representatives from a greater variety ofpolitical p~es. Achi~vmg Ibis plurality has not been without problems. It was only m the nahonaJ election in 2000 that there was a change of party leadership since 1929 from the PRI (lnstitutional Revolutionary Party). 1t was not until 1997 lhat the opposition won control of the Congress. And, despite one o~position party existence since 1939 (the National Action Party - P~, 1t was not until 1989 that an opposition candidate won a govemor's elect1on (Chand, 2001). Because of this slow progress ofthe political opening of formal politics, many marginalized social groups joined other_ forms of political participation, such as urban popular movements, social movements, neighborhood associations, and most recently ~~n-gove~e~tal orgaoizations. Tbe development of these forros of poht1cal part1c1pat1on also has not been easy. For example, NGOs emerged in LatinAmerica in 7 lhe 1950s, but Mexico did not see these organizations untiJ the mid-l 980s Human rights "are understood to be basic and universal and above the nation-stall for example, the right to lije, to be free from torture, to tria/, to be free from s/aver, and even then they had a limited presence (Fox and Hemandez, 1992; (Chant and Craske, 2003:35). However, similar to the lraditional use of citizensh;, Olvera, 2003). Moreover, when other countries in Latin America in the the term human rights tends to mask dijferences across countries and does not take ¡IIIQ late 1980s experienced cooperation between governments and NGOs, account that "the actual enjoyment of rights a/so hinge on historica/ circumstanCfJ. Mexico saw very little collaboration. Former President Carlos Salinas de a/ong with peop/e spositions in social hierarchies and group identities" (Eckstein 11' Gortari (1988-1994) actively sought to diminish the power ofNG~s by Wickham-Crowley, 2003: 1). changing fiscal laws to allow the govemment "to treat NGOs as pnvate �196 / Redefining politics, participation, and citizenshi¡,: Non-governmental organizations in Monterrey profit-making corporations" (Piester, 1997:486)Coupled with the slow and uneven expansion ofpoliti~al ci~enship, the degree of improvement of social citizenship ~lso remams disproportionate. For example, despite overall decreases ~ ~xtreme P?verty, research has illustrated tbat tbe neoliberal reform pohc1es followmg the 1982 debt moratorium have bad an unequal and devastating effect on women and poor communities (Benería, 1992). Moreover, aggregate data mask the inequalities that are increasing in the rural areas, as well as the differences based on gender, class, and ethnicity leading many to argue that, in part as a result of neoliberal reforms, socia~ and ~ivil citize°:'hip are becoming more unequal (Urquidi, 1994). That 1s, while the Mexican economy has grown over the past 1Oyears, the gap between the wealthy and the middle, lower, and poorer classes has also grown. Toe 1994 peso devaluation that followed the initial opening of the Mexican economy with the introduction ofprivatization and the North American Free Trade agreement has only widened the gap. Therefore, more than twenty years after the initial reforms, serious questions remain as to whether or ~ot neoliberal economic reforms will or can provide the basis for expanding social citizenship. Methodology and description of cases ReYista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journol primavera--0wño / springfa/12004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / 197 Case 1: El Barzón: the debtors' movement 9 El Barzón, rooted in market-based tensions that have continued to plague Mexico as it opens the economy to global markets, exploded on the política! scene in Mexico in 1994 with the devaluation of the peso. Toe organization was born as a product of economic problems in Mexico that stemmed from rising interest rates, among other things, that made it impossible or almost impossible for the average middle-class citizen to pay for their house, farm, car, or small business. lt began as a loosely organized social movement in 1993 in the rural areas of the country and represented the interests of farmers, whose livelihood was threatened. 1º It quickly spread to the urban areas once shared grievances against the Mexican government and the bankin: industry took hold. It has organization chapters in almost every state in Mexico that are Iinked through the national leve! organization in Mexico City. In the case of Nuevo León chapter, the vast majority of the members are urban based (90%) thus tak.ing on a different character than the original movement in Jalisco and Zacatecas. Tbe primary goal ofaU the chapters ofEl Barzón is the defense of property and towards this goal they ao not deny that they owe the banks, but they demand to pay what is fair. In my interview with the Ieader, Liliana explains that the organization's primary goal is the defense of property ownership at a time wben the local banks were about to repossess their house, land, car, or small business (October 22, 2002). She continues to explain that it was not that the people did not want to pay, but no Ionger could pay because of the rising interest rates tbat then tripled or quadrupled the monthly payments. As one member describes, his mortgage at the end of 1994 was about $200 U.S. dollars and in the span of six months it was the equivalent of about $500 (Javier, Coor.dinator, age 49, member since 1995, January 28, 2003). Importantly, salaries did not increase and in many cases decreased or ended in job loss altogetber. Toe data I present in this article are a result of my fieldwork from A~gust 2002 to June 2003. 8 For the first case, El Barzón, I conducted two mterviews with the leader, one with the organization's lawyer, and 19 witb the members, 12 of which are also part of the office staff. I also attended several of the bi-weekly meetings of El Barzón. For the second case, Mujeres en Movimiento, I conducted interviews with the leaders ofthe organization as well as with their staff and clients. Specifically: I ha~ one interview with the director, one with the president, and three mterv1ews with the staff social workers and psychologists. I also interviewed ten women who were living at the shelter over two periods of time in 2003, 9 from March to April and in June. I attended two conferences that Mujeres l only conducted research on the Monterrey chapter ofthe organiza/ion. With permisen Movimiento either organized or were invited as a principal speaker. sion from the founder and director, I use the name of the organiza/ion as well as the 8 Ali interviews by the author. were conducted in Spanish by the author and the translations are a/so llame of the director, Liliana Flores Benavides. Currently, she is a state legislator in %uevo León. I hove changed the names ofmembers to protect their identity. . For excellent reviews ofEl Barzón al the nationa/ leve/ and the state leve/ in Zacatecas, see de Grammont, 2001; Williams, 1996, 2001. �198 / Redefining politics, participa/ion, and citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmenta/ organizations in Monten-e, What is peculiar about the Monterrey, Nuevo León chapter is that El Barzón emerged as the first major grassroots mobilization in the city in more than a decade and it has survived for ten years remaining quite visible in the public view_ At the height of its creation in 1997, the organization included about 35,000 members. Membership in El Barzón consists of families, rather than individual members and thus the family represents an important unifying factor that helps to maintain the identity of the organization. Today, El Barzón is still a large organization of about 500 families, has a voluntary staff derived from its membership, and receives no outside funding. Not only has the composition changed over the years, but the organization has tak:en on a variety of citizenship rights issues. In the past five years the organization has not modified its original goal of defending property ownership as a civil right, but has expanded its demands and objectives to include social rights, such as urban services (i.e., water, gas, electricity, and transportation), women's issues, health issues, particularly breast cancer, as well as a focus on the elderly. Case 2: Mujeres en movimiento: A women's organization /tli!IDPer.speclivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-<>toño / springfa/1 2004. Vo/.6, Num. Jy 2 / 199 Women in Mexico have had to struggle not only against male dominance, but also against a government that perpetuates and justifies unequal gender relations. For example, gender-related social policy has been slow to develop despite the women's movement that began more ilian thirty years ago. Rodríguez (19,8) argues that política! party loyalty in Mexico frequently takes precedence over gender identity in politics. Moreover, gender-related policy changes only become important when it suits the party's interests (Htun and Jones, 2002). In the state ofNuevo León feminist organizations had been demanding a women's institute for over a decade to no avail. In the first week of the PRI tak:ing power after the defeat of the PAN, the govemor announced the opening of the Instituto Estatal de la Mujer. The electoral defeat ofthe PAN in the July 2003 elections was a huge coup for the PRI that had experienced defeats ali over the country in the 1997 and 2000 elections. Arguably, the creation ofthe women's institute responds to the party's need for the votes and support of women. lt is within this complex setting that Mujeres en Movimiento emerged. lt was created in 1996 by three women, who discovered, with much frustration, the lack of services for women and children who are subjects of family violence following research for a college course. Unlike El Barzón that expanded its demands, in its eight years of existence Mujeres en Movimiento remains focused on its initial mission of recovering the right to live with dignity and to retake the farnily as a place of love, respect, and peace (Alma, Director, August 29, 2002; Interview by Televisa, October 23, 2003). 11 Mujeres en Movimiento has a paid staff of23 (it originally began with volunteers), and actively solicits resources interms offinances and technical support from outside agencies, including the Mexican government, local businesses, and other organizations focused on domestic violence from the U.S., particularly Texas and California. The organization does not have members, but it has a de:fined target community and clientele. An economic crisis led to the development ofEl Barzón, while on the other hand, a social crisis led to the creation of Mujeres en Movimiento. The increasingly obvious and visible power differentials between women and men are at the forefront of the social crisis. Historically, and throughout Mexico, men have dominated women in all spheres - cultural, societal, econornic, and political. Toe women 's movement in Mexico has certainly struggled to reverse the scales of domination. Historically, the struggle has focused on those matters that are most clearly women 's issues, such as domestic violence and abortion (Ramos, 1994). These types of demands, however, have divided the movement and have rendered it barely visible. Today, gender relations remain highly charged in terms of culture and in particular, violence against women is a social phenomenon that has become progressively visible during the past decade. Lancaster (1992) argues that gender roles and expectations are strong and when men think that women are violating these unwritten codes, violence or the threal 11 Because of the sensitive nature of the work of the organiza/ion, I have changed the of violence occurs. name not only of the organiza/ion, but a/so the names of the staffand those women I interviewed at the she/ter. �200 I Redefining politics, participa/ion, and citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmental organizations in Monterrey 1,tiikJPerspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavertHJtoño / spring-fall 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 I (Re)defining citizenship and politics Civil citizenship: NGOs as public policy-makers 20 J One of the major contrasts between the two organizations is the type Both organizations emerged with transformational demands focused on of citizenship demand and the target population that the organization changing public policy. By transformational demands I refer to demands represents. The principal demand of El Barzón is economic justice and tbatare strategic and challenge the order ofsocial relations, whether rooted the defense of inheritance (i.e., personal property), whereas the central in class, gender, or ethnicity. In the case of El Barzón, they demanded demand of Mujeres en Movimiento is to construct a healthy nation by de- !he national Mexican government to reign in spiraling interest rates that activating domestic violence. Despite a difference in the type of demand, were the root cause of the loss of property for many middle-class Mexithe nature of those demands is similar in that they both seek an altemative cans. In the case of Mujeres en Movimiento, they demanded that the state form of social organization for the population of interest. In the case of government of Nuevo León pass legislation that would protect women El Barzón, it is a restructuring of class relations which began with the from domestic violence. middle class as the primary focus and expanded over time to include lower and poorer classes. In the case of Mujeres en Movimiento, it is a El Barzón - fair banking practices restructuring of gender relations. This demand, however, is embedded in a more conservative discourse that appears contradictory. The organization, in both its initial demands and subsequent focuses, pri.marily targets state legislators to affect public policy. When the organiDespite different focuses, the principal demand of the two NGOs 1.ation began, the central demand was focused on changing the capitalizais embedded in civil and social citizenship rights. In terms of civil citizen- tion of interest rates that they argue were unfair and the reason so many 12 ship, the organizations attempt to influence public policy by demanding middle-class Mexicans could no longer pay their mortgages. El Barzón changes in laws and the legal system. In terms of social citizenship, 13 the blames the Mexican government and particularly with former President NGOs have two trajectories that include providing social services that Salinas, who initiated the liberalization of the Mexican economy: are not available through government mechanisms and educating tbeir target audience in the importance of articulating their rights. In addition He (Salinas) also initiated a process ofliberalization ofbank interest rates, and to educating the target audience they have also focused on the govem· linked ali ban.k. business with the risky of trading of the stock market. Befare ment and the general public. In this way, the organizations' citizenship 1988, the interest rate in Mexico was a function of the increase of the minidemands are enacted through three action carnps: (1) as public policy-makmum salary and then it was very easy, the people could buy a house or ask for ers, (2) as service providers, and (3) as educators. In the roles as public a business loan. policy-makers and educators the NGOs take on a more critica! stance that resembles the NGOs of the 1960s and 1970s whereas the role of service Through the liberalization process, the interest rates practically sunk the proprovider is reminiscent of the welfare perspective that dominated in the ductive sector, the real economy, the trading market. They [the government) 1950s. forgot that the real economy never matches the virtual economy. 12 Recall that civil citizenship inc/udes the rights necessary for individual freedom and liberty, such as the freedom ofspeech, thought andfaith, the right to own property, and the right to justice and afair tria/ (i.e., rule oflaw). 13 Recal/ that social citizenship are those rights associated wilh the welfare state and encompass housing, education, health care, access to water and electricity, transporta/ion, work-related benefits, and public security, as well as rights based on identity, such as sexuality, gender, race, ethnicity, and culture. Because of this El Banón is an ethics movement. lt begins by recognizing that there is commitment to pay the financia) cred.it. The concrete goal is to pay what is fair: what and how to pay. The argument against El Banón that is used to discredit is that we are creatin; a culture of no-payment. Nothing is farther from the truth. Our motto is: I owe, I don' t deny it, I will pay what is fair (El Barzón Internet site). �202 / Redefining politics, participa/ion, anti citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmenta/ organizations in Monterrey t,,i,1o Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jmmwl primavera-otoño I spring-fa/12004, Despite severe pressure ali over the country, the Supreme Court upheld the legality of this banking policy which most likely reflects the power and in.fluence of the business interests. This defeat, however, did not deter the organization and because of their multi-stranded strategic approach the organization was successful at negotiating fairer payment arrangements with the bank:s. Toe or: anization claims that it has resolved almost ali its members' cases (appreximately 30,000 at the time of my research). Therefore, while the organization was unsuccessful at influencing a change in how the law protected prívate property at a universal leve!, it was able atan individual leve! to ensure civil citizenship for its members. Importantly though this negotiation was not even across the board with the bank:s whereby sorne bank:s (i.e., Bancomer) developeda national leve! policy that negotiation would take place and other banks (i.e., Banorte) resisted strongly from the beginning. Toe public policy defeat did not signa! a shift away from attempting to influence the legislature and the overall legal system. Rather, the organization has continued to focus their efforts on demanding fairer public policy on a variety of issues, including subsidies for public utilities, transportation issues, and a rather unique program called 'adopt a deputy.' This program is aimed at demanding accountability of the Nuevo León state legislators. Toe weakness of civil citizenship in Mexico is not only the lack of implementation and enforcement of laws, but also the lack of appropriate legal protection in the first place. Through this program, El Barzón makes demands to those institutions that they argue sbould be held responsible to the community tbat elected them in the first place. Mujeres en movimiento - legal protection Family violence and particularly violence among women is a major social problem in Mexico, argues the director of Mujeres en Movimiento. As the director explains to me when I asked about the roots of the organization: We began the organization with much technical support from sorne agencies in Texas focused on family violence .. .l remember that the director of a sbelter in McAllen, Texas told me, 'you have no idea what it is that you are proposing to do,' and I said, 'of course we do, we are going to work in the area offamilY violence.' She repeated, 'you have no idea.' After severa! years, I recognized Vo/.6, Num. I y 21 203 she was right, I had no idea, none of us did, we began with three founders and we did not imagine the challenges we were going to face and we did not know how extensive the problem was. For example, when we began to work there was no law in the state ofNuevo León that designated that violence against the family is a crime ... Mexico sub scribes to intemational conventions, but it <loes not say how to apply them. We began to work with and get elose to judges, with the police, with the public officials. Sorne of them did not receive us well, sorne of them wanted to arrest us, but with time, when they saw that we were not going to quit, that what we wanted to do was collaborate, the doors started to open (Alma, Director, age 43, August 29, 2002). Despite the passing ofthe Fami/y Violence Law and the closeness ofwhich this organization works with the government, domestic violence has continued. Toe organization states that 98% of the victims of family violence are women and children, one in every three Mexican women report that they have been the victims ofpartner abuse, and 50% offemale homicides are perpetrated by their partner or ex-partner (Interna! Report, Mujeres en Movimiento, 2002). At the time of the interview in 2002, the director of Mujeres stated that Nuevo León had the second highest rate of domestic violence in Mexico and 46% of ali women in the state have experienced sorne degree of interfamily violence. In August 2004, the director of the women's state institute stated in an interview with Televisa that since the beginning of 2000, 107 women have died as a result of domestic violence. Therefore, despite legal protection embedded in law, domestic violence has escalated. Toe State ofNuevo León is now in first place, and nationally when taking into account the length of time, it has surpassed Ciudad Júarez in terms of the gravity of.the problem. 14 Therefore, coupled with their struggles to engage legislators to provide legal protection and to ensure that civil citizenship is universal, the organizations engage in providing services and educating their members. 14 On October 24, 2004, El Norte stated that the number of cases reported.ofdomestic violence had increased by 125% over las/ year: from January to August 2003 there were l,951 reported andjrom January to August 2004 there were 4, 380 reported. �204 / Redejining politics, participation, and cítizenshi¡,: Non-govemmenta/ organizoffóns in Monterrey Social citizenship: NGOs as service providers and educators ft¡trfaPerspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera--0toño / springfa/1 2004, 101.6, Num. Jy 2 / 205 Therefore, what began as loosely coordinated movement focused on finding ·economic justice, has converted into a more organized and diverse organization in terms of its demands: The organizations have developed multi-stranded approaches towards challenging the boundaries of citizenship. As described above, the organizations contest the existing framework of civil citizenship by engaging in public policy-making. But, as the discussion above also reveals, there have been uneven results of their efforts. This most likely reflects a common dynamic in Mexico: laws exist, but are not implemented. This is the case of Mujeres en Movimiento where despite the passage of the domestic violence law, the rates appear to have continued and most likely there is increasing incidence. Or the uneven results may reflect another problem in Mexico: laws exist, but are in favor of those social groups that have greater access to the política! power structure. This is the case ofEl Barzón and the lack oflegal protection for private property for the average citizen in favor ofthe banking community. Therefore, the organizations do not only actas public policy-makers in their challenges to civil citizenship, but they also provide social provision tb vulnerable populations and importantly act as educators in an effort to strengthen civil society and make citizens aware of their rights and obligations. El Barzón - "Helping tbe Community" Liliana says the organization has not gone out looking for probleJ:I!S or people with problems, but the people come to El Barzón slie árgues because of their reputation of helping so many people: Many people come with other types of problems ano thétefore El Barzóh h3i had to diversify and now we have eleven areas. SotnetirtléS think: '~e havt to close the door, it is enough, close tbe door, but we can"t, howc!an '[ do ~t?' The people are outside and tbey are saying that they want us to he'tp. Th'ere aie tbings tbat we can resolve with just a pbone call because qf tbe strength thal we represent as an organization. The people have eight years with a problem and I take the telephone and resolve it with one call. So, how can I close the door. It is part óf our principies. I can't leave them, we· can't (Ootober 22, 2002). i El Barzón has diversified, we manage tbe fiscal problems with tbe banks, problems witb tbe transportation system, taxis, retired and pensioners, envi ronmental problems, violence against women, violence against children, vio lation of human rights, labor issues, or problems with urban services - electricity, gas, and water (Patricia, age 33, member since 1996, November 19, 2002). El Barzón denounced the government and public transport system when the owners worked out an arrangement with the government to raise the price of a ticket in exchange for the installation of turnstiles. The reasoning behind these turnstiles was to decrease corruption by the bus drivers who often <lid not report an accurate number of passengers so that they may "pocket" the extra earnings. Toe organization 's counter argument was that the turnstiles were dangerous and difficult for women with children and the elderly. El Barzón was successful in repealing the requirement of the bus turnstiles that were only put on those buses that provide service to lower middle-class, working class, and poor neighborhoods. The turnstiles, for example, were never put on the buses that run in San Pedro. On the one hand, the government should be applauded for lheir efforts to cut corruption. But, on the other hand, the government is not attacking the roots of the problem and instead is applying a "band aid" treatment that ultimately supports those with more power than the average citizens. That is, by allowing the private bus companies to increase rates, which are already the highest in the country the government "sided" with the interests of the business community. Another example of the organization's attempt at challenging social citizenship is their work with the taxi drivers in Monterrey. Toe state legislators wanted to implement a new policy that would require the taxi drivers to purchase a new car every five years. Severa! taxi drivers contacted the organization and asked for help to challenge this Policy because they argued it unfairly placed a financia! burden on them and their livelihood. The taxi drivers originally countered the five year Policy with a 10-year policy. Through negotiations with the legislators �206 / Redefining politics, participation. and citizenshi¡,: Non-governmental organizations in Monterrey the organization was able to secure an agreement that instead offive years it would be every seven years. Through their challenges of social policies the organization has also sought to educate the general public in terms of articulating their rights. For example, I witnessed how the organization has come to offer services to the broader community, not just those with credit problems, while I was waiting one day to interview sorne of the coordinators. As my field notes indicate: k,,irta Penpectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/ primaver0--0toño / spring-fa/12004, Vo/.6, Nwn. Jy 21 207 and to work toward changing the system for the entire community, not individual needs and desires. One of the main goals of the director is to instill a sense of belonging, not onJy to an organization, but also to create a political consciousness of its citizens, whereby problems are not individual, but also social. In this way, the organization has the potential to act as a catalyst for change: I consider that the concept of citizenship is an act of participation in commu nity problems, in the resolution ofthose ... citizenship is notan issue of age or voting, but citizenship has to be the development of a leve! of consciousness Wben I arrived, Liliana was meeting with a group of eight citizens, mostly where your personal problems are part of the problems of everyone, and you over the age of 60, to discuss various strategies the group could take to try worry about solving your problems, but also you become irnmersed in to resolve their problem. She suggested to the group that they needed to fol resolving the problerns of others in society (Liliana Flores Benavides, low a judicial approach to resol ve the problem. lt was clear that the group was December 19, 2002). nervous and did not think they could aitproach the govemment office on their own. Toe director, after speaking with them for thirty minutes, finally said 'okay, I will meet you there tomorrow morning at 9:00 sharp ... We need to tell them that you should be treated with dignity and with respect.. .I will call the The members felt empowered, felt more like a citizen, and felt like part of a comrnunity. As Sara, who is 53 and has been a member since 1995, states: newspapers so that they are there when we arrive' (field notes, January 28, When we began the negotiations with the bank, I did not know anything, ab 2003). solutely nothing, because I was a housewife and my life was very different. .. I was dedicated to other activities ... but after awhile I suggest that this description reveals an important proble01 in Mexico. Because of the way the political system has developed and its incorporation of different social groups' interests (i.e., the workers and peasants), citizens have not learned how to demands their rights in the historically patrimonial and clientelistic political system (see, Fox 1994). Through educating their members, El Barzón attempts to restructure class (and gender) relations. When the organization engages in educational activities they are also engaging in making transformational citizenship demands. El Barzón as an educator, however, goes beyond the individual leve] and also includes the wider societal level. In this way, the organiza· tion goes beyond educating the popular classes which has traditionally been the focus ofNGOs. r learned a little by little and with time, I learned how to do ne:otiations, but in.itially I thought, how can Ido this, me in front ofthe wealthy bank owners (November 12, 2002). Martha, who is 44 and has been a member since 1995 echoes a similar comment: I did not know anything about politics or the economy, but here I have gained confidence and understand what it means to be part of a community, what it means to have citizenship rights and how to get those rights (November 5, 2002). . El Barzón engages in making demands with respect to its educa- tion of its members. This objective is intended to create citizens that are El Barzón - creating citizens and teaching politics In every member interview I conducted with El Barzón, a common theme emerged in that the organization was teaching them to be good citizens more active in the community and articulate social problems as societal problems not individual ones. lt also sees that part of the problem of ~e lack of citizenship rights is because many do not know-what their nghts are let alone how to articulate them. To reinforce membership in �208 / Redejining politics, participation, ami citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmental organizations in Monterrey ,-Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-oUJño / spring-fa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. 1 y 21 the organization and a commitment to expanding citizenship, the organization holds bi-weekly meetings with ali members. Toe meetings are required for members in order to maintain their membership and they also serve to reinforce the identity and solidarity of the organization. At the beginning of each meeting those Barzonistas that have been successful at resolving their credit problem give their testimony. Following these testimonies, the leader updates the membership on the latest struggles or generally what is happening in the ceuntry. At the end of every meeting, ali the children go to the stage and everyone sings the Mexican anthem. Liliana explains to me that it is important to incorporate the children in this process so that they will carry on the fight for their rights. rebuild her life. Towards that goal, the organization provides medical mices to the women, legal council, therapy for the women and children, ~ training, and acts as a mediator between the women and their farnily md partner. Toe duration of stay is anywhere between a few days to two months. It is important to comment that the women have ali the services they need. lf they did not bring clothes, we give them three or four different changes of clothes, for them and for the children. Ali this is in the kit that they receive when they arrive to the shelter - items for personal hygiene, shampoo, deodor ant, toothpaste, a toothbrush, ali the i asics. Sorne women do bring these things because they have been working with us in the office as to what the process is. Likewise, in terms of food, they receive brealefast, lunch, a snack, Mujeres en Movimiento - "providing a 'complementary' and dinner. With respect to medicine, they bring it or they bring sorne money, service" Wbile El Barzón frames their action as a service provider in tenns of "helping the community," Mujeres en Movimiento frames t?eir_acti~nas "providing a complementary service." Moreover, the orgamzah?n v1e~s their role not in opposition to the government oras a counterwe1ght ~ m the case ofEl Barzón. Rather, it sees their role in civil society as working in conjunction with the government. Toe role of Mujeres en Movimiento in tenns of social service provision is without a doubt incredibly complex and difficult. Wbat has complicated the process is the organization's decision to focus ona very specific segment of abused women: those women who are in need of protection because they are in life-threatening danger. Only those women assessed to be in grave danger enter the shelter. Ali other women may receive services, such as group or individual therapy in the offices located in the center ofMonterrey. Toe shelter has space for eight women and their children under the age of 18. Once moved to the shelter, the women receive ali the basic necessities because in most circumstances !he women arrive with little or nothing. They have had to take advantage of an opportunity at the last moment to leave the house without their partner knowing. Toe approach of the organization is holistic in that it intends to provide ali those services necessary for the abused woman to start to 209 but we cover 50% oftheir medication. For example, we have a five-month old infant girl who was in Children's Hospital last weele. The cost was 2,885 pesos (about $300 USD), but the mom could not pay, so we helped her be cause we have an agreement with the hospital and the medication ended up costing about 1,200 pesos (about $140 USD) (Rutb, age 28, psychologist, March 4, 2003). Toe organization also has a team to help the women through ilie legal process whether it is to obtain a divorce, a restraining order, or simply a separation agreement until they work through these issues with lheir husband or partner. Muriel and Bety, the shelter psychologists, explain that it is primarily protection the women are demanding and it is ¡irotection that they need in order to make difficult decisions, particularly kgal ones: They need to feel safe in order to malee decisions. When they arrive here they 1 bave already made the decision to leave their home, but they need clarifica tion, to reflect on everything they have been living in order tó begin to malee a decision, whetber it is to obtain a definite separation or if it is to return. We help them to think about why they want to return, and how many times they bave separated. The women have to reflect on the entire process in order to reach a decision. We have cases where women have been divorced for years and the ex-husbands continue to bother them, we bave women here with beat ings, they have arrived from extreme violence, witb the intent of murder. Many ofthese are women that are already divorced. Toe statistics state that divorced women still run the same risle ofviolence. There are women that just �21 O / Redefining politics, participation, ami citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmental organizations in Monterrey want to disappear; they want to leave the country or go to live in anotherstate. Therefore, ali of this requires a process of sensitization with the lawyer, ali of this is done in conjunction with the legal tearn, but primarily with the lawyer {ages 24 and 30, shelter psychologists, June 17, 2003). t,d1Perspeclivas Sociales/ Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño/springf a/12004, VoL6, Num. I y 2 I 211 The main trung is there needs to be more commercials on the television be cause I was thinking that they give preference to roen, here in Mexico we have a lot of machismo and the man is preferred, there is a rrussing message for women, we need information about rights (age 22, June 3, 2003). When I asked what rights for example, she declares simply, "to Given the difficulties within which the women arrive to the shelter, I inquire with the psychologist about how they handle the initiation of be more." each woman and her children to life at the shelter. In order to maintain Teaching the women that they have value and rights is an imtranquility among an often hectic day of service providing, one of the psychologists explains to me how the day-to-day activities function at fl()rtant mission for the organization towards demanding a restructuring the shelter: of gender relations. Re-education towards empowerment of the women md what their individual right.s are, and how to demand them, the social It is important for the organization to provide a relatively structured enviroo workers explain to me is a priority. For example, the social worker tells ment at the shelter. There is a weekly schedule of duties and responsibilities me: for cooking and cleaning as well as a list of group activities and free time or space for the mothers to spend with their children. Toe women bave privacy in a room with their children, but also are integrated into living in a commu nity and ali the responsibilities that entails (Ruth, age 28, March 4, 2003). She stresses that it is important for the women to leam how to live together, and that this is part ofthe education process that they receiveat the shelter. She says the women leam to take responsibility for theirpast actions, but also their current and future life which begins at the shelter. In this regard, the organization seeks to complement the services they offer with a process of re-education • f the women in terms of their rigbts and obligations as citizens. Mujeres en Movimiento - spreading information and teaching value There are occasions when a woman returns, but to the office because she has learned how to look for help from the police, she has learned how to look for belp in the health centers, she has leamed how to get in contact with the institutions. Therefore, the process in the office is completely different be cause you don 't send her to the shelter, but they continue the process of the legal paperwork, and psychological counseling in the office as well. lt is not common for the women to return, but much more so for them to come back to get services in the office (Sofia, age 28, June 24, 2003). Teresa, one of the women at the shelter, echoes this sentiment: Many women don't know they don't know their value. Toe most important trung is that they [the organization] taught me that I have value, that I can make ilifficult decisions and that I have value (Teresa, age 30, June 5, 2003). Ali the women express the irnportance of learning their rights and As with El Barzón, this organization is also demanding a re-education recognizing their value as a person so that they can protect their children of its clients and in that regard they focus on two issues: ( 1) spreading and so they can break the cycle of domestic violence: information and (2) teaching women they have value. When I asked what the women at the shelter think are the most important necessities for I am going to fight for me and my children, no more beatings, no more abused women, without hesitation, ali the women I interviewed stated: humiliation, no more violations because he obligated me to have sex with him information on where to go, if there is a place to go, and what are therr in a way I <lid not want to, and if l <lid not accept there were more beatings ...sometimes when I refused to bave sex with him, he beat me, took rights. As Lupita, one of the women at the shelter, expresses: off my clothes, threw me on the bed and left me their naked .. .1 could not �212 / Redefining politics, participa/ion, amicitizensh;,: Non-govemmental arganizations in Monterrey leave the room because I had no clothes. He would say that I was worthless and I had no value. I need to live so that I can fight for my children and Jam here fighting for them. My idea is to stay here, to learn my rights, and to be treated as a woman and to live with my children and never to return to him (Rebecca, age 23, April 1, 2003). t,,olJ Per.spectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumol primavera-otoño/ spring-fo/1 2004, Vol.6, Num. I y 2 / 2 13 iwever, focuses on a very public aspect of tbe family, tbe economy, and Mujeres en Movimiento focuses on what is traditionally a very private as¡x:ctofthe family, interpersonal relationships between members of a given family. Because of this, I suggest that the organization's transformational irmand of restructuring gender relations remains limited. Tbat is, the ixganization does talk about the empowerment ofwomen and changing lbeirposition in society, however, the actions ofthe organizations remains mtricately related to traditional definitions of women. The story was similar for all the women I interviewed. The majority of their partners or husbands drank all the time, sorne did drugs, and many did not have a stable income. The wornen discussed how they feared at one time or another for their lives and the lives of their children. Transformational articulation versus system-stabilizing And, at least according to the women, ali had a history of violence going practice back to their childhood. El Barzón and Mujeres en Movimiento have a diverse set of demands Gilda represents many of the women 's stories. She explains how bowever these demands have one element in common in that they adfamilies perpetuate domestic violence and bow sbe wants a different life 1·ocate a redefinition of citizenship. Eckstein and Wickham-Crowley for her children. 1 asked about tbe history of violence in her family and 12003:2) argue that, "the electoral democracies that restored political and in the farnily of her husband. She tells me that there was violence in both civil rigbts (denied by military govemments in the region in the 1960s families always. Her fatber was an alcoholic. He had two good busi- and 1970s) have done little to reduce inequalities between the poor and nesses, but they failed wben he began to drink and her mom had to learn laboring classes, women, and sexual, racial, and ethnic minorities on the to survive without financial assistance from her dad. He finally stopped ooe hand, and dominant classes and privileged groups on the other hand." drinking, but at this point it was too late for her mom, who had cancer. As a result, they contend that access to social rigbts in Latin America Gilda explains that because of tbe violence and the abuse, her mom never "has ebbed and flowed with changing national political and economic went to get medical attention. She is striving for a different future: conditions (Eckstein and Wickham-Crowley, 2003:2)." Therefore, it is oosurprise that these NGOs have also largely focused on facilitating aclt is a cycle of violence, a vicious cycle of violence. But, with me it en<k ress to social rigbts and improving civil rights for marginalized groups. Because I am going to think differently, I don't want my children to IVhile Mexico was neveras authoritarian as the soutbem cone countries, experience that k.ind of tifo. My nephews, they never have a chance to play, ~has hada notoriously inclusive and exclusive political regí.me. By an they are already working in the family business. They are the same ages as inclusive and exclusive political regime, I refer to the corporatist political mine (ages 14, 13, and 11). With my children it is different, because I amoot structure, defined as the formal relationship between groups or institugoing to permit the same behavior as my brothers with their sons. 1 think thal tions and the government, that has provided "access" to many social they have a right to live their childhood norrnally like other children, playing, groups, although hierarchical and quite unevenly. Therefore, Mexico has having fun, going to schoo~ having friends, going out, taking vacations, it will experienced a similar dynamic: political citizenship rigbts have largely be different (Gilda, age 29, June 9, 2003). been establisbed in the context of inadequate civil citizenship rights and declining social citizenship rights. These quotes illustrate that on an individual and family level, the organization is raising the women 's consciousness. So, while the specific While the organizations seek civil and social rights for marginaldemands of the organization are different than El Barzón, both organil,a· tl.ed groups, I contend that this does not imply that they are alw~ys making tions are focused on the family and survival of the family. El Barzón, lransformational demands tbat result in the expansion of citizenship. By �214 / Redefining po/itics, participa/ion, and citizenshi¡,: Non-governmental organizations in Monterrey this I mean that rather than articulate demands in a way that challenge the order of social relations, the organizations can convey citizenship demands that seek to resolve a particular problem. When an organization's demand only facuses on "fixing" the social problem, I suggest that the organization engages in making system-stabilizing demands because it does not seek to challenge the order of social relations nor does it call far an altemative system. Although it seeks to resolve a particular social problem that can be categorized as a social right, the demand of the NGO does not seek to ensure that right becomes institutionalized. Having said this, however, simply because an organization has system-stabilizing citizenship demands, this does not imply that over time these demands would not result in transfarmation. I argue that when El Barzón and Mujeres en Movimiento have sought civil citizenship rights they have done so by making transfarmational demands. When the organizations have sought social citizenship rights they have done so by making system-stabilizing demands. El Barzón emerged because of immediate needs that arose out of material conditions such that certain segments of the population <lid not have access to these resources nor did the population have access to the political system to have their grievances heard. The NGO acted as a voice for the aggrieved population and were successful at securing property rights, albeit not through the legal system, but through negotiation. Because it was through negotiation and not the legal system, the granting of civil citizenship was done individually and not collectively such that the right became institutionalized. In other words, the demand was transformational in articulation, but in practice it was system-stabilizing. As the cases become successfully resolved, the organization expanded its claims to include social citizenship. They began to focus on urban services, primarily offering assistance to marginalized populations, such as the elderly, the poor, or women. These types of demands, however, also only resolved a particular social problem and did not adjust the social relations of power. In this way, the nature ofthe organization's demands is in practice system-stabilizing. 1/Msta Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journa/ primaver0--0toño / spring-fa/12004, Vo/.6, Mnn. J y 2 / 215 were not being heard by the government. Toe NGO acted as a voice for the aggrieved population and were successful at securing a new law that articulated intra-family violence is a crime. Thus, they helped to establish protection of civil rights for vulnerable population, primarily women and children. It is important to point out, however, that because the law states intra-family violence is a crime instead of ' domestic violence' or 'wife battering' it masks the role of ftOWer differentials between women and men. Therefore, the demand may have been transformational in articulation, but it is ultimately systcm-stabilizing in practice. And, despite the existence of a law, domestic violence rates have increased. In keeping with their philosophy that the organization is a counterpart (not counterweight) to the government, they also offered services to the affected population as well as to the government agencies with which these women would come in contact. Women often experienced discrimination or simply were not attended to by health care providers, the police, or the legal system. In response to this, the organization secures social citizenship far the women by providing health care, protection, and legal counseling. They also provide de-sensitization workshops to change the approach and mindset of the governmental agencies which could over time secure the institutionalization of social citizenship. Mujeres en Movimiento emerged because of a need that arose out I contend that when the organizations engage in public policymaking they are making demands that are transfarmational in that they challenge the existing arder of social relations and seek a new form of social organization. As I discussed above, however, in practice the policy-making demands are system-stabilizing. When the organizations engage in service provision they are not articulating transformational demands. Rather, in this way they are engaging in making demands that are system-stabilizing and thus seek to resolve a particular social problem and are not making claims of systematic change. In terms of the NGOs as educators, they are not necessarily explicitly making transformational demands however, the process of re-educating the public or the target population has the potential to become transformational. While both El Banón and Mujeres en Movimiento engage in this action camp, I argue that the process of re-education by Mujeres remains more limited then the process of El Barzón. of social conditions such that certain segments of the population were not being properly protected by the legal system and their grievances I suggest that the principal reason is a matter of the central de- ,, .. �216 / Redefining politics, participation, and citizenshi, : Non-governmental organizations in Monterrey mand of the organizations. One is more acceptable to talk about and the other is not. So while Mujeres seeks to empower women through the discourse of social justice, the organization does not call for a reordering of social relations. In fact as I indicated earlier the central mission of the organization is to "retake the family as a place of love, respect, and peace," which seems to promote a more traditional definition of the role of women. Nor, has it demanded that the government address one of the most fundamental problems visible in all my interviews: the lack of formal education and thus the barriers to economic self-sufficiency. This is not to say that domestic violence is a result of a lack of education and paid employment, but these two factors are important for empowering women. Without better education, women 's opportunities remain limited in the labor market and without econemic self-sufficiency women remain dependent on their male partner. Demanding these two factors would mean challenging the economic elites of the city in that it would raise questions about the local economic structure which is fundamentally capitalist in nature. And making these demands would also mean confronting the Catholic Church which still advocates for a traditional role of gender such that the primary respensibility of women is caring for the family. More importantly, it would mean a complete reassessment of the ideological system that these two powerful local institutions have put into place in the metropolitan area. These are not fights that the organizatio~ has decided to undertake, however, this certainly <loes not mean that 1t never will. What accounts for this difference between the two organizations? I suggest that it is because El Barzón began with a collective social fight rather than an individual one. There are certainly individual cases of El Barzón, however, the strategy of change is for the collective, whereas Mujeres en Movimiento appears to be working on an individual and case-by-case strategy. Much of this is dueto the type of demands of the organization and the populations that the organizations represent. El Barzón focuses on the middle- and middle-upper classes whose income plummeted as a result of the 1994 peso devaluation. Mujeres en Movimiento focuses on women, particularly from the lower class and urban poor, who are victims of domestic violence. In this sense, there is m~~ risk for El Barzón because it confronts and questions the social, politl· cal, and economic organization of Mexico and because it is ultimately ltmta Perspectivas Sociales / Socwl Perspectives Journal primaver1J--Otoño / spring-fa/1 2004, Vol 6, Num. I y 2 / 217 questioning the world economic order. 15 For Mujeres en Movimiento, direct, overt confrontation is "tricky" business and risky in another way because of the type of demands of the organization that are considered more intimate and require confidentiality and sensitivity. Although they each address a different "strata" of the population, lhey are both focused on the family and talk about restoring the farnily. lt is important to stress again that El Barzón attends to a public issue, whereas Mujeres en Movimiento adaresses a prívate issue. That is, it is easier to talk about a public issue such as economic problems in the family that have publicly affected hundreds of thousands of other families rather than a prívate and intimate issue considered by most something that should remain at the family level. In fact, the lack of public strategies on lhe part of Mujeres en Movimiento corresponds with the so-called prívate sphere of the organization's central demand. In contrast, the public claim mak.ing of El Barzón corresponds to the public demand centered on the Mexican economy. However different those demands may be, the framing of those grievances is the same. They both frame the demands ofthe organization in terms of citizenship rights and secial justice. While both organizations strove to educate their members or clients, had similar objectives in creating better informed citizens, and speak similarly of citizenship rights, the results are different. Not only has El Barzón been successful in reeducating its members of social, economic, and political conditions in Mexico and what their rights are as citizens of the country, they have also been successful in politicizing its members such that they talk about resolving issues in a collective discourse. As the above analysis illuslrates, the Barzón women talk about building civil society and fighting for the common good and the common collective. Mujeres also has been successful in the reeducation process, but in a different way. It has been successful in terms of individual reeducation towards empowennent of lhe women, what their individual rights are, and how to demand them. ul . n March 2002 when the Summit on Third World Financing was held in Monterrey, El Barzón organized a parallel conference in arder to connect with other NGOs to llrengthen its position against the global economy. �218 / Redefining politics, participation, andcitizenshi¡,: Non-governmental organizations in Monterrey Discussion and conclusion Toe purpose of this article is to reflect on the role of NGOs in the political process in Monterrey, Mexico and to consider how they facilitate and expand citizen participation in that process. Mujeres en Movimiento emerged in 1996 in an attempt to resolve a specific social problem: domestic violence. El Barzón emerged in 1994 also to resolve a specific social problem: economic injustice. Toward obtaining their principal demand, the NGOs engage in making demands through three action camps, as policy-makers, as educators, andas service providers. For example, when the organizations began, their initial demand was focused on changing public policy and the legal framework. From there they expanded and offered a variety of services to the target population. In the case of El Barzón, they provide legal services and mediate between the banks and the debtor. In recent years, they have expanded their organizational services to elderly, the urban poor, and women focuses mostly on urban services (i.e., public transportation, electricity, and water). In the case of Mujeres en Movimiento, they also provide legal services as well as medica! attention, counseling, and other services that are part of their holistic program at the domestic abuse shelter. As both organizations consolidated, they embarked on educational demands aimed at empowering the com.munity in which they work. I argue that both organizations are impacting local politics. Both have influenced the legal system through changing laws. Mujeres en Movimiento successfully lobbied the government to write a law protecting women, albeit, minimal protection, but it is a start and more than what the state had before. El Barzón also changed policies on issues of public transportation and taxi regulations as well as securing the continued use of water subsidies. While they were not successful in their attempt to change the law that allows the capitalization of interest, I would argue that they were an instrumental factor in why banks have since cbanged their practices. In this role as a policy-maker the NGOs are demanding civil citizenship rights and resemble the NGOs that emerged in the roid1960s with a critical perspective. While these two organizations are different in their type of de· mands, and their overall style, they ,oth are trying to create citizens and te.i<ta Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Juurna/ primavera-otoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. 1y 2 / 219 tostrengthen civil society in hopes ofcreating a more equitable,just, and fair country for all citizens. In this sense, their efforts to create a "culture" ofdemocracy have the potential to restructure the social relations ofpower over time. There remains an important difference, however. El Barzón reeducates its members as participatery citizens who articulate problems not as individual ones, but societal ones whereas Mujeres reeducates its clients on an individual leve! rather than a collective one. El Barzón intentionally brings people into its fold and structures the organization such that everyone is involved and feels part of the Barzón family. Mujeres has also brought sorne women into the organization that sought shelter or counseling, but this represents a tiny amount. As I concluded my interviews with the leaders and staff, I asked what they thought was the most important accomplishment for the organization. Without hesitation, they all mentioned that their continued existence is their greatest success. For example, the social worker of Mzgeres states: Look, there is another shelter, this is one of ou.r biggest successes and frankly since I began here, it is very important this institution for me and to be a part of it and be a part of the team, but I never thought, frankly, that we wou.ld get to the point where we could open another shelter because of aU the obstacles that are there in one way or another. But, I see it and we have done it, but I never thought this seven years ago. It is one ofthe biggest successes that we have, as an institution, I think. it is one of the principie successes. Toe other is the participation and recognition that the institution has. It is very importan! because you want it and you have no money, but I think. that in jusi a few years to speak of the institution, the name of the institution has weight, Ibis is because they have done many things well and I consider this a great achievement, to be more, to be part of conferences and workshops. I think also that one of the biggest successes is to be the pioneer in Mexico, in a cou.n try with a lot of facilities and to be able to experience it and share it I am really proud (Social Worker, age 28, June 24, 2003). Likewise, the leader ofEl Barzón expresses that she never thought lhe organization would turn into what it is today: _ No, we didn' t think this, we knew it was going to be a clirect light against �220 / Redefining politics, participa/ion, and citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmenta/ organizalions in Monterrey finance capital, we knew that that was going to cost us, including life ... my lt,llla Perspectivas Sociales / Social Pmpectives Joumol primavera--0toiw I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 221 BIBLIOGRAPHY other three colleagues have been in jail various times; and me, they tried to take me to jail and they tried to kili me. Toe four ofus that founded El Barzón are very different, we are very creative, and we have an enonnous imagination. Even when we went to Chiapas, Marcos said, ' unbelievable, El Barzón is the most intelligent movement in Mexico, I have been in the jungle for 15 years and you ali in two years <lid what I couldn't do.' Our success is that we have resolved almost ali of the 35,000 cases ... this against Alvarez, Sonia E. (1998). "Latin American Feminisms "Go Global": Trends ofthe 1990s and Challengesfor the New Millennium", in S. E. Alvarez, E. Dagñino, and A. Escobar (eds.), Cultures of Politics, Politics of Cultures, Boulder, CO, Westview Press. the owners of the money, Monterrey is the land of financia! capital and the Arditi, Benjamin (2004). " Trayectoria y potencial politico de la idea de sociedad civil", Revista Mexicana de Sociología vol. 66, no. l, pp.1- owners ofthe money (December 20, 2002). 21. The NGOs illustrate the increasingly complexity of doing politic.s and are a reflection of the current political, economic, and social conditions from which they have emerged. That is, in the era of neoliberalism, the NGOs have gradually taken on the roles of governments who either are no longer wiling or able to provide certain social services. As service providers, the NGOs collaborate with the local and national governrnent which suggests a pendulum swing back to the 'cooperative' NGOs ofthe 1950s. This role may also be a reflection of the institutionalization and professionalization of social activism or what Sonia Alvarez ( 1998) calls the 'NGOization' of society. In the era of democratization, the NGOs are attempting to strengthen civil society and act as a counterweight to the government. In this way, the NGOs provide a new way of doing politics by offering an altemative avenue to political parties and give voice to groups that have traditionally been marginalized socially, economically, and politically. As policy-makers and educators, the NGOs are representative of those that emerged in the 1960s. Despite the seemingly conflictive roles as ' cooperative' and 'critica!' NGOs, they both demand civil and social citizenship rights. Recog· nizing the clifferent dimensions of citizenship is vital because within tbe context of neoliberalism, citizenship is often equated with a "mini.malist conception of democracy and equates rights with individual access to tbe market" (Vargas 2003:204). Therefore, as policy-makers, educators, and service providers the NGOs are pushing the boundaries of the tradicional definition of citizenship. The nature of their demands is transformacional in articulation, however in praccice it remains system-stabilizing wbich raises questions as to the ability ofNGOs to institutionalize citizenshiP rights. AreUano-López, Sonia, and James F. Petras. (1994). "Non-Governmental Organizations and Poverty Alleviation in Bolivia", Development and Change, vol. 25, pp. 555-568. Bebbington, Anthony, and Graham Thiele (1993). Non-govemmental Organizations and the State in Latin America, London, Routledge. Benería, Lourdes (1992). 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"NGOs, the Stat~, and the Development Process: The Dilemmas oflnstitutionalization", ID Toe Changing Role of the State in Latín America, Menno Vellinga (ed). Boulder, CO, Westview Press. Lister, Ruth (1997). Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives, New York, New York University Press. MacDonald, Laura (1994). Supporting Civil Society: The Political Role 0lvera,Alberto J. (2003). Sociedad civil, esfera pública y democratización en América Latina: México, México, Universidad Veracruzana y Fondo de Cultura Económica. 0xhom, Phillip (2003). "Social lnequa/ity, Civil Society, and the Limits ofCitizenship in Latin America ", in Susan Eva Eckstein and Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley (eds.), WhatJustice? Whose Justice? Fighting for Fairness in Latin America, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press. Piester, Kerianne (1997). "Targeting the Poor: The Politics of Social Policy Reforms in Mexico ", in Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, K. Hite, M. Scott B., K. Piester, and M. Segarra (eds.), Toe New Politics of Inequality in Latin America: Rethinking Participation and Representation, New York, Oxford University Press. Ramos Escandón, Carmen (1994). "Women sMovements, Feminism, and Mexican Politics", in Jane. S. Jaquette (ed.), The Women's Movement in Latin America: Participation and Democracy, Boulder, CO, Westview Press. Rodríguez, Victoria (1998). "The emerging role of women in Mexican po/itical life. ", in Victoria Rodriguez (ed.), Women's Participation in Mexican Política! Life, Boulder, CO, Westview Press. Segarra, Monique (1997). "Redefining the Public/Private Mix: NGOs and the Emergency Social lnvestment Fund in Ecuador", in Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vi.las, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester, and Monique Segarra (ed.), The New Politics of Inequality in Latín America: Rethinking Participation and Representation, Oxford, �224 / Redejining politics, participution, and citizenshi¡,: Non-govemmental organízations in Monterrey ft,ista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Journal primtrw!rQ-()toñc / spring{all 2004, Vol.6, Num. l y 2 / Oxford University Press. Urquidi, Victor L. ( 1994). "The Outlookfor Mexican Economic Deve/opment in the 1990. ", in Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas (eds.), Toe Politics ofEconomic Restructuring: State-Society Relations and Regime Change in Mexico, San Diego, CA, Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California. Vargas, Vrrginia (2002). "The Strug~le by Latin American Feministsfor Rights and Autonomy", in Nikki Craske and Maxine Molyneux (eds.), Gender and the Poli tics ofRights and Democracy in Latin America, New York, Palgrave. Willetts, Peter (1996). "What is a Non-Governmental Organiza/ion", UNESCO: Encyclopedia ofLife Support Systems. Section 1: Institutional and Infrastructure Resource Issues. http//www.staff.city.ac.uk/p.willetts/ CS-NTWKS/NGO-ART.HTM. Williams, Heather (2001). Social Movements and Economic Transition: Markets and Distributive Conflict in Mexico, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. William, Heather (1996). Planting Trouble: The Barzón Debtors' Movement in Mexico, San Diego, CA, Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies. APUNTES ONTOLÓGICOS, , EPISTEMOLOGICOS Y METODOLÓGICOS ONTOLOGICAL, EPISTEMOLOGICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL NOTES 225 �Revista Perspectivar Sociales! Social Perspectives J()Uma/ primaver(J-{)toñiJ I spring-fa/12004, 101.6, Num. 1y 2I 227 Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocacional Christina Krause* Abstract Closed-ended questionnaires have a great advantage for social research. However, researcher' pre-established answers do not always reflect the opinions ofthe interviewers which can jeopardize the scientific production ofknowledge and limit the understancing of social problems. One altemative to reduce this risk is to use an open-ended questionnaire which does not offer preconceived answers. It is used when the researcher does not have enough information about sorne aspects of the phenomenon. However, in open-ended questionnaires the researcher has to design a coding frame to classify various answers and reduce the informative richness of the answers to few categories. This article presents the process through which the categories are obtained taking as a reference the theoretical model; it shows the consistency of the categories employed and the type of relationship that the categories should have among them. Resumen Los cuestionarios con opciones de respuesta cerradas tienen una gran ventaja en la investigación científico-social. No obstante, las respuestas pre-establecidas por el investigador no reflejan siempre las ideas de las personas encuestadas, situación que puede cuestionar seriamente la cientificidad de un estudio y limitar de forma sustancial la comprensión del fenómeno social. Con el fin de reducir este peligro es. posible emplear preguntas abiertas que no ofrecen opciones de respuesta. Esta estrategia se ofrece cuando el investigador cuenta con poca información sobre algunos aspectos del tema que pretende analizar. Para poder procesar posteriormente la información obtenida dentro de un dispositivo de investigación cuantitativo es necesario reducir la riqueza informativa empírica a unas cuantas categorías. Con base en un estudio realizado * Christina Krause es profesora titular del Instituto Pedagógico de la Georg August Universitiit Gottingen, Alemania. Su correo electrónico es: Dr.ChristinaKrause@t-online.de �228 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vococúínal dentro de la orientación vocacional, el artículo explica cómo se deducen las categorías del modelo teórico adoptado en la investigación; cómo se da consistencia a las categorías y el tipo de relación que deben guardar las categorías entre sí. Introducción La adolescencia es la etapa en la cual los jóvenes experimentan el cambio de la niñez a la adultez. Si bien podría parecer que se trata de una transición 'natural' por la que atraviesa cada individuo, esta etapa del desarrollo individual es organizada, en realidad, por la sociedad que garantiza de esta forma la transmisión aesus normas y valores a las nuevas generaciones. Al respecto, Eisenstadt (1966: 17) afirmó: "Por esta razón el camino del individuo a través de los diferentes edades no solamente es un asunto privado sino que tiene además un significado decisivo para todo el sistema social". No obstante, la transmisión del legado social no es ni automático ni linear y se acompaña, a menudo, por conflictos generacionales. Por otro lado, los cambios económicos, sociales, políticos y culturales de las sociedades modernas han generado problemas que las anteriores generaciones de jóvenes no han tenido que encarar. Rosenmayer (1972) al igual que Flammer y Alsaker (2002) mencionan dentro de esta problemática la desintegración familiar, la rápida urbanización y el éxodo rural, la pasividad política de las masas urbanas ante los problemas de supervivencia cotidiana, las dificultades de mujeres jóvenes y otros grupos minoritarios por superar su estatus subprivilegiade, la escasez de fuentes de empleo, la intensa competitividad sociolaboral, los altos índices de deserción escolar y las dificultades para preparar a los jóvenes rumbo al campo laboral. La gravedad de estos problemas sociales obliga a la sociedad a crear instituciones y mecanismos que apoyen a la juventud a lidiar con estas adversidades y a encontrar nuevas formas de solucionarlas. Entre estos organismos se encuentran, sin duda, las escuelas. Dentro del plan curricular, le concierne a la orientación vocacional y a los maestros asumir esta función auxiliadora en la solución de las "tareas de desarrollo". El concepto de tareas de desarrollo fue introducido en 1940/41 l,rista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-ctoño / spring{a/12004, Vol.6, Num. 1y 2 I 229 por Havighurst y sus colaboradores. Se refiere a las expectativas y exigencias social y culturalmente situadas que en su conjunto constituyen un sistema de referencia con cuya ayuda los sujetos construyen su identidad personal y social (Havighurst, 1952). Estas tareas abarcan, por ejemplo, el desarrollo de relaciones y roles sociales genéricamente estructurados, la aceptación del propio cuerpo y su aprovechamiento adecuado, la creciente independencia emocional frente a los padres y otros adultos, la adquisición de la autonomía económica, la elección y formación profesionales, la preparación para el matrimonio y la familia, el desarrollo de las capacidades intelectuales para ejercer los derechos y las obligaciones cívicos, la adopción de un comportamiento socialmente responsable y la integración de un sistema normativo y ético a la conducción de la vida propia, para mencionar sólo unas cuantas. Se trata de tareas que conciernen prácticamente a todos los jóvenes en los países occidentales a pesar de las diferencias socioculturales entre y al interior de las diversas naciones. Por otra parte, durante la adolescencia los jóvenes desarrollan una serie de habilidades cognitivas y competencias sociales que les permiten establecer una reflexión sobre sí mismos y sus condiciones de vida. De esta manera adquieren las herramientas para poder reflexionar acerca de sus éxitos y fracasos cotidianos mediante el análisis de las reacciones de su entorno social. Las tareas de desarrollo tienen, por supuesto, una vigencia histórica limitada. Algunas de esas tareas detectadas por Havighurst a mediados del siglo XX han perdido relevancia en la actualidad. Según Dreher y Dreher (1985), la preparación para el matrimonio y la familia y la adquisición de una independencia económica son hoy en día asuntos sin mayor importancia para la juventud alemana. En cambio, en entrevistas, estos jóvenes mencionaron como retos personales y colectivos la construcción de relaciones íntimas, el desarrollo de su identidad, la formación de una perspectiva acerca del futuro, el desarrollo de su personalidad (en particular, la autosuficiencia, la seguridad de sí mismo y el autocontrol), la formación de competencias sociales, la adopción de una posición crítica frente a la sociedad (en especial, en lo que concierne a la protección al medio ambiente y al aseguramiento de la paz mundial) y la capacidad de comprender la complejidad política y económica. �230 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocaciónal Un estudio comparativo entre jóvenes de Francia y Alemania mostró que los franceses tienen distintas preferencias que los alemanes. Ellos asignaron una mayor importancia al rendimiento escolar, a la preparación profesional y a la salud mientras que los alemanes priorizaron su autonomía personal y el cuidado de las amistades. Quedaron, además, marcadas las diferencias de género: en tanto que las chicas consideraron de suma relevancia los valores sociales, la relación con su cuerpo y la separación de sus padres, los varones le otorgaron el más alto valor a las tareas ligadas a su rol sexual y al inicio de relaciones íntimas. Revista PerspecJivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño/ springjall 2004, 101.6, Num. Jy 2 / 231 La preparación de la juventud frente a los riesgos de la vida a través de la orientación vocacional Sobre la base anterior cabe preguntar si la escuela es realmente capaz de asumir esta nueva función. La respuesta se antoja complicada ya que algunos pedagogos consideran a la enseñanza como una especie de 'consejería'. Ellos sostienen que el individuo se desarrolla siempre por sí mismo y que el entorno tiene poca capacidad de influirlo en este proceso. La pedagogía le puede ofrecer únicamente algunos impulsos, ánimo y apoyo (Huschke-Rhein, 1998). Por otra parte, se requiere tener en mente que la escuela no es precisamente un espacio idílico donde les encante estar a los niños y jóvenes. Muchos estudiantes experimentan a la escuela como lugar estresante en el que corren riesgos (Krause, 2000 y 2003). A algunos alumnos la escuela les depara experiencias amargas y dificultades que no logran enfrentar por sí solos (Krause, 2003). La adolescencia de hoy ha cambiado enormemente si la comparamos con décadas y siglos pasados. En el caso europeo es posible afirmar que la adolescencia se está alargando (hasta los 25 años de edad) al grado que abarca ahora edades que antes pertenecían claramente a la adultez. Es por ello que se habla en el caso actual de una adolescencia tardía (Fend, 1997). Asimismo, no hay que olvidar que la creciente diferenciación y complejidad de la vida no facilitan la maduración de los individuos ya que implican grandes exigencias para la toma de decisiones de los individuos. Esto tiene por consecuencia que la necesidad de obtener consejos y orientación aumente continuamente. Sin embargo, no todos los jóvenes tienen acceso a este tipo de apoyos dado que carecen de los recursos necesarios. Es obvio que este grupo de adolescentes no tiene las mismas oportunidades de desarrollo que sus compañeros económicamente mejor situados. Las desigualdades sociales explican el porqué les resulta dificil "comprenderse como responsables del desarrollo de su propia vida, sus habilidades, sus orientaciones, sus vínculos o asociaciones, etc." (Beck, 1986: 217). La manera como los niños y adolescentes enfrentan situaciones estresantes depende de su estado de salud entendido aquí como una forma de 'bienestar' subjetivo (OMS, 1946). Promover la salud entre estudiantes significa capacitarlos para tratar de modo competente los riesgos, problemas, crisis y exigencias diarias y para aprender a controlar su propio comportamiento y reforzar la conciencia sobre su propio valor. Para lograr esto, los estudiantes deben aaquirir " ... aquellas habilidades que nos permiten tratar con las personas de nuestro entorno social así como con nuestros problemas y situaciones de estrés en la vida diaria. Dichas habilidades son importantes para reforzar la competencia psicosocial" (OMS, 1993). Se trata, pues, de metas fundamentales de la formación y educación. Por lo anterior, es posible afirmar que la promoción de la salud no es un aspecto adicional o, incluso, ajeno a la escuela, sino un componente integral del aprendizaje y de la vida escolar. Esta perspectiva que enlaza la educación con la salud permite a los adolescentes superar con mayor facilidad sus tareas de desarrollo y encontrar su lugar en la sociedad. La escuela no podrá evadir en el futuro esta tarea. Las competencias para llevar una vida de adulto se adquieren en todos los ámbitos de la vida, pero sobre todo en la familia y en la escuela. Dado que la familia afronta, hoy en día, cambios fundamentales (Schneewind, 1992), muchas de sus funciones en torno a la formación y el desarrollo de competencias se están traspasando a las escuelas y los maestros. Dentro del actual plan curricular, la orientación vocacional representa por el momento la mejor opción para la enseñanza de estas competencias psicosociales. La orientación se entiende como "estrategia y servicio de apoyo a los propósitos relacionados con el desarrollo integral del individuo de la educación... La función de la orientación vocacional ' en particular, está encaminada a ayudar al orientado a descubrir sus características psicológicas, así como las pesibilidades y demandas del contexto '" �232 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocaciónal en el que se desenvolverá, para elegir, informada y conscientemente, la profesión u ocupación a la que se dedicará" (Serrano García, Esteban Valdés, 1999: 10ss). Sin embargo, aquí cabe preguntarse si la orientación vocacional tal como se está impartiendo en las escuelas mexicanas cumple con esta función. Esta es la razón del por la cual decidimos analizar la efectividad de la orientación vocacional en escuelas preparatorias de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. INOVE - Grupo de Investigación en Orientación Vocacional y Educativa En noviembre del 2000 se creó en la Facultad de Psicología de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León el grupo de Investigación en Orientación Vocacional y Educativa (INOVE). Una vez que se había diseñado un programa que precisara el funcienamiento del grupo, sus objetivos, las estrategias, los temas a investigar y la calendarización respectiva, se inició la construcción de una encuesta para conocer la opinión de maestros y alumnos en tomo a la orientación vocacional. Mediante esta investigación pretendimos analizar el papel de la orientación vocacional en el proceso educativo de las preparatorias y establecer la efectividad de los orientadores. Ello ayudará a crear una base de datos que favorecerá la profesionalización de los orientadores y el mejoramiento de los contenidos y las estrategias didácticas. La viabilidad y pertinencia de la encuesta se evaluó mediante un 'pretest' aplicado a 28 maestros y 251 estudiantes de una escuela preparatoria. Una vez revisada y corregida, la encuesta se aplicó al azar a 329 maestros y 1640 alumnos provenientes de tres preparatorias. El instrumento se integró con preguntas cerradas y abiertas. En la actualidad el grupo de investigadores está terminando una tarea muy importante Y clificil: la categorización de los resultados cualitativos de la encuesta. En las siguientes líneas voy a presentar las etapas del análisis de datos cualitativos y las decisiones que tomaron los investigadores en este proceso. Revista Pl!r$p(!Ctivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumaiprimavera-ctoño / springfa/12004, lbl.6. Num. I y 2 / 233 comparación con las preguntas cerradas, las abiertas son más efectivas cuando se trata de identificar las expectativas de los alumnos y maestros hacia la orientación vocacional, ya que representan la variabilidad de las diferentes expectativas y opiniones. Se evita así que las respuestas fuesen un mero reflejo de las ideas de los investigadores quienes formularon los parámetros (ítems) en la base de sus hipótesis. Las preguntas cerradas implican el peligro de que las respuestas dibujen un universo social donde todo pareciera ser 'excelente' o 'muy bien'. Para no caer en esta trampa es preciso llevar a cabo una investigación cualitativa. Para cada pregunta abierta el grupo de investigación había desarrollado un manual de codificación. En adelante voy a describir las principales premisas para el desarrollo de dicho manual. Exigencias fundamentales de un esquema de categorías Un análisis cualitativo de contenido, el cual se puede aplicar a textos escritos o al lenguaje cotidiano, tiene que establecer de forma explícita y corroborable los pasos que subyacen al descubrimiento de las dimensiones relevantes, la codificación y la conclusión inferencia) de la realidad representada en dichos textos. Dado que recopilamos las opiniones de un total de 329 maestros y 1640 alumnos, el análisis de los datos cualitativos requiere una escala nominal. Esto significa que cada dato se distribuirá en categorías definidas. En este caso se puede medir sólo la igualdad o desigualdad. Ello significa un paso importante en la construcción de categorías que refieren a contenidos analíticos del comportamiento. Este procedimiento ayuda al investigador a reducir la infermación. Las múltiples y diferentes respuestas se reducen de este modo a aquellas categorías que contienen la información relevante a la pregunta (véase Lisch y Kriz, 1978). Las exigencias propuestas por Holsti (1969) y fundamentadas por Merten (1983), entre otros, acerca de los contenidos analíticos en los sistemas de categorías son presentadas abajo e ilustradas con un ejemplo tomado de nuestra encuesta. La investigación en el campo de la orientación • El esquema de categorías debe deducirse teóricamente, o sea, El método La encuesta se integró con siete preguntas abiertas y seis cerradas. En debe corresponder con las metas de la investigación 11111 �234 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la inv~tigaci6n cualitativa en la orientación vocaciónaJ La meta de nuestra investigación era la exploración de las opiniones subjetivas de alumnos y maestros acerca de la orientación vocacional. Al mismo tiempo quisimos comprender las diferencias interindividuales así como los cambios en el tiempo en cuanto a la visión de estudiantes y docentes. La validez y fiabilidad de las categorías depende de que hayan sido seleccionadas y operacionalizadas con respecto a un marco teórico. De ello depende asimismo el método a seleccionar. Las preguntas debían ser entendibles y relevantes tanto para los maestros como para los alumnos. Un 'pretest' en una escuela nos ayudó a encontrar la forma más adecuada para verbalizar los parámetros (ítems) relevantes. Ejemplo: Pregunta 6: "¿Qué dificultades encuentra(s) en la materia de orientación?" Los estudiantes prácticamente no nombraron alguna. El 74% contestó "ninguna". El 8% mencionó problemas relacionados con el material o el contenido, el 5.4% se refirió a los orientadores y al 4.3% se le complicaron las frecuencias semanales de la materia. Sin embargo, cuando les preguntamos (pregunta 7): "¿Qué propone(s) para hacer más efectiva la materia de orientación?", obtuvimos una gran cantidad de propuestas que nos hacían concluir que la pregunta 6 se había entendido de otra forma a como nosotros lo habíamos pretendido. Los alumnos ligaron las "dificultades" con la materia a problemas cognitivos relacionados cen el contenido. Dado que el material de enseñanza-aprendizaje no resulta complicado, la gran mayoría de los alumnos contestó nuestra pregunta de forma negativa. 1 Por lo anterior, decidimos eliminar la pregunta 6 del cuestionario. Consideramos que la pregunta 7 cumplió mejor las metas esperadas. • El esquema de categorías debe ser consistente, o sea, debe permitir la inclusión de todos los contenidos posibles Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoiío / springfall 2004, Vol.6, Nwn. I y 2 / La consistencia se puede alcanzar a través de sistemas de categorías abiertos o cerrados. El grupo de investigación se decidió por el sistema abierto porque las categorías se construyen sobre la base de los materiales presentes. Una clase residual ("otros'') es necesaria dado que puede haber alumnos que no quieran extemar su opinión a un reactivo. Ellos reaccionan no dando respuesta alguna (categoría "sin respuesta") o contestando cualquier cosa como, por ejemplo, "No sé". • Las categorías deben ser definidas de forma que sean recíprocamente exclusivas e independientes Cada categoría ~ene que ser independiente de las otras. Esto resulta a menudo muy dificil. Los traslapes se muestran con claridad cuando, por ejemplo, el 50% de las respuestas son codificadas en la categoría 1 y el otro 50% en la categoría 2. Para resolver este problema es necesario realizar nuevas pruebas e introducir cambios en las categorías. • Las categorías deben satisfacer un principio de clasificación unitario Aunque parezca muy claro, se trata de una exigencia metodológica que les resulta a muchos investigadores dificil de cumplir (Merten, 1983). En nuestra investigación surgió la pregunta de si es preciso exigir la unicidad dentro de un ítem (el inicio de una frase) o para todos los ítems. Enseguida me voy a ocupar de la unicidad dentro de la pregunta 7. Tabla 1: Esquema de categorías de la pregunta 7: "¿Qué propone(s) para hacer más efectiva la materia de orientación? categoría 1: Clases dinámicas categoría 2: Frecuencia de la clase categoría 3: Afirmaciones con relación al docente categoría 4: Afirmaciones sobre el bienestar durante las clases categoría 5: Contenido de la materia y temas 1 De cualquierforma hubo de reconsiderarse hasta dónde es posible probar conocimientos en este campo, ya que esto le corresponde al sentido de la orientación. 23 5 categoría 6: Nada categoría 7: Sin respuesta categoría 8: Otros Fuente: Trabajo de campo. UI¡ I ¡ �236 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitotiva en la orientación vocaciónal Estas categorías, que serán en una fase posterior diferenciadas en subcategorías, corresponden tanto a nuestro concepto teórico como al material empírico. • Las categorías deben definirse sin ambigüedades La definición de cada categoría y subcategoría debe permitir la toma de decisiones claras y ordenadas. Dicho •rdenamiento debe ser independiente de las personas que lo suponen. Sólo cuando dos o más personas llegan a los mismos resultados por medio de un análisis, se podrá sostener que los contenidos analíticos cumplen con el criterio de objetividad (Bos, 1989). Nos resultó muy valioso desarrollar guías de codificación. Abajo presentamos un esquema de codificación para la pregunta 7 que contenía la categoría, la definición de la categoría, ejemplos de anclaje y reglas de codificación. Tabla 2: Descripción de la categoría 1 de la pregunta 7: "¿Qué propone(s) para hacer más efectiva la materia de orientación" Categoría 1: Clases dinámicas Definición: Se refiere a las afirmaciones relacionadas con clases más activas, más prácticas en donde el maestro utilice técnicas o actividades grupales que permiten una mayor participación de los alumnos. Ejemplos: "Que la maestra se dirija ~ás con los alumnos y que conviva más con nosotros." "Que las clases sean más interactivas." Reglas de la codificación: Todas las afirmaciones en las cuales se menciona la participación, la interacción o más prácticas serán clasificadas en esta categoría. Las interacciones y comunicaciones pueden darse tanto entre alumnos y maestros como entre los alumnos. Fuente: Trabajo de campo. Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primaver{l-(Jtoño / springfa/1 2004, VoL6, Num Jy 2 / 237 La mayoría de las respuestas a la pregunta 7 se ubicó dentro de la categoría 1 ya que casi fa mitad de los alumnos encuestados deseó más comunicación y un mayor número de actividades en la clase de orientación. Para diferenciar mejor las respuestas creamos subcategorías. En otras palabras, a cada categoría se le asignaron varias subcategorías. Tabla 3: Esquema de subcategorías para la categoría 1 de la pregunta 7: "¿Qué propone(s) para hacer más efectiva la materia de orientación?" Categoría 1: Clases dinámicas Subcategorías: 1.1 Más comunicación, más participación, más dinámica 1.2. Más interacción entre alumnos 1.3. Más interacción con los maestros I .4. Más prácticas fuera del aula, conferencias, ir a facultades, más pláticas con otros profesionistas 1.5. Más información sobre carreras Fuente: Datos de campo. Después de que cada uno de los investigadores había terminado la codificación de las respuestas obtenidas, procedimos a comparar los resultados de la codificación en el grupo. Se presentaron diez casos de codificación divergente que fueron discutidos por los investigadores. Sobre esta base se acordó una fonna única y consensuada de codificación. Este ejercicio ayudó al mismo tiempo a validar la guía de codificación. En la primera prueba de codificación se presentaron -como ya mencioné arriba-, en algunos casos, considerables diferencias acerca de la asignación de una respuesta a una categoría. Ello constituye un indicador de la inaccesibilidad de la categoría. Después de un análisis de las diferencias, el grupo estableció el ordenamiento definitivo y elaboró los manuales de codificación. Apenas a partir de aquel momento fue posible iniciar la codificación y el análisis de todos los datos. Este trabajo previo se extendió a lo largo de un año con 2 horas de trabajo por semana. 11,,1 1 �238 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocacióna/ Las respuestas de los alumnos se distribuyeron de la siguiente manera entre las subcategorías de la pregunta 7: Tabla 4: Frecuencias de las respuestas a las categorías de la pregunta 7 ('pretest') Categoría Absoluto % 1. Clases dinámicas 106 42.2 2. Frecuencias de la clase 35 13.9 3. Afirmaciones en relacional maestro 40 15.9 4. Afirmaciones sobre el bienestar durante las clases 14 5.6 5. Contenido de la materia y temas 19 7.7 6. Nada 29 11.6 7. Sin respuesta 3 1.2 8. Otras 5 2.0 Fuente: Datos de campo. La calidad del manual de codificación quedó asentado por el hecho de que se presentaron sólo cinco respuestas en la categoría "otras". Llamó la atención que únicamente el 11.6% de los encuestados opinó que no hay nada que mejorar en las clases de orientación vocacional. La categoria 3 "Afirmaciones en relación al maestro" obtuvo el segundo lugar en respuestas. La revisión de las respuestas de los estudiantes arrojó las siguientes subcategorías: Revista Perspectivas Sociales/ Socia/ Perspectives Jo,unaJ primavera-otoiw I springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. / y 2J 239 Tabla 5: Frecuencias de los resultados de las subcategorias de la categoría 3 ("Afirmaciones en relación al maestro") de la pregunta 7 ('pretest') Sub-categoria 3 Ejemplo % 3 .1. Maestro más preparado y actuatizado "Que los maestros sean buenos para esto, que estén sumamente orientados" 15 3.2. Más didáctica, "Maestros más capacitados y que no sólo contestar ayuden, no solamente que hagan el libro contestar un libro" ''Nuevas técnicas" "Que el maestro hable de más experiencias y ejemplos" 45 3.3. Que brinde "Que tenga más comunicación confianza al con los alumnos, que dé pie a que alumno, atención tengamos confianza para contarle más personalizada nuestros problemas" "Que haya más atención a los alumnos" 20 3.4. Maestros más jóvenes "Poner maestros más jóvenes" 2.5 3.5. Maestros éticos, no críticos "Que no haga comentarios en contra de los alumnos, ya que se siente mal que se rían de uno" 3.6. Maestro más presente "Que se cumpla todo el programa" 5.0 "Que la maestra falte menos" ,, 12.5 Datos de campo. Resulta sorprendente la gran variedad de opiniones y expectativas que tienen los alumnos acerca de sus maestros. Los siguientes resultados corresponden a la pregunta 3: "¿ Qué funciones debe realizar el maestro �240 / Consideraciones metodalógicas acerca de la investigación cualitaJiva en la orientación vocacióna/ de orientación? " Las respuestas de los alumnos permitieron establecer un total de nueve categorías. Cada una ( con excepción de las últimas dos) tiene entre dos y cuatro subcategorías Tabla 6: Construcción de categorías para la pregunta 3: "¿Quéfunciones debe realizar el maestro de orientación?" Categoría 1: Dar apoyo (4 subcategorías) Categoría 2: Comprender (3 subcategorías) Categoría 3: Orientar (4 subcategorías) Categoría 4: Enseñar (3 subcategorías) Categoría 5: Brindar información profesiográfica (2 subcategorías) Categoría 6: Aplicar didáctíca (3 subcategorías) Categoría 7: Ser formador (2 subcategorías) Categoría 8: Sin respuesta Categoría 9: Otras Fuente: Traba10 de campo. Enseguida presentaré algunas respuestas de los alumnos y su asignación a una de las categorías anteriores. Revista Penpectivas Sociales / Social Pmpectives Jouma/ primavera--0toño / springfa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 I 241 Tabla 7: Ejemplos de codificación de respuestas dadas por alumnos a la pregunta 3: "¿Qué funciones debe realizar el maestro de orientación?" Respuesta de alumnos Categoría asignada "La mayor función está en escuchar y aconsejar al alumno, guiarlo por un buen camino" "Tratar de ayudamos y apoyamos en nuestros problemas" "Ayudar a los jóvenes a entender que muchas cosas que les pasan son normales" "Orientarte en tus decisiones y ayudarte con problemas que te ayuden a tomarlas" " Platicar muy bien con los alumnos para que estos le tengan confianza" "Aparte de dar su clase, dar algún consejo" ''Principalmente orientamos para el futuro" "Orientamos en la elección de carrera" "Conocer muy bien su materia para que así no tengamos ninguna duda" "Aclaramos todas las dudas que tengamos acerca de la materia" Categoría 2 (comprender) "Cumplir estrictamente con su horario" "Explicamos las carreras que queremos estudiar después de la prepa" " Mostrarte las opciones de trabajo ex.istentes para que tú decidas cual escoger" "Debe tener un buen desenvolvimiento ante el grupo e inquietamos para que nos interese la clase" "Como un investigador" " Ser una persona que haga al alumno una persona" " Enseñar y ponerse como ejemplo de lo que debe hacer" Fuente: Trabaj o de campo. Categoría 1 (dar apoyo) Categoría 1 ( dar apoyo) Categoría 1 ( dar apoyo) Categoría 2 (comprender) Categoría 3 ( orientar) Categoría 3 (orientar) Categoría 3 (orientar) Categoría 4 (enseñar) Categoría 4 (enseñar) Categoría 4 (enseñar) Categoría 5 (brindar información) Categoría 5 (brindar información) Categoría 6 (aplicar didáctica) Categoría 6 (aplicar didáctica) Categoría 7 (ser formador) Categoría 7 (ser formador) hl �242 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocaciónal Revista Perspectivas Sociales/ Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño / springfal/ 2004, Vol 6, Nwn. I y 2 I 243 Conclusiones Bibliografia Para conocer el punto de vista de un gran número de personas acerca de un tema específico, se ofrece una encuesta que combina preguntas cerradas y abiertas. Estas últimas garantizan que las respuestas de los encuestados no hayan sido influidas por las opci•nes pre-establecidas en la encuesta de parte del investigador. Empero, dentro de un enfoque cuantitativo las preguntas abiertas acarrean una gran cantidad de trabajo adicional ya que obligan a una codificación posterior. Para lograrlo, es necesario que el investigador se haya familiarizado c•n toda la gama de respuestas efectivamente dadas por las personas entrevistadas. Sobre esta base empírica y en función del planteamiento teórico que guía su investigación se elabora posteriormente un manual de codificación para cada una de las preguntas abiertas. Dicho manual establece las categorías de respuestas, las describe, da ejemplos de respuestas dadas por las personas entrevistadas y especifica la regla de codificación precisa. Este mismo procedimiento se aplica para la construcción de subcategorias. Es preciso que el manual de codificación sea validado a través de un 'pretest'. Su objetividad se acredita cuando diferentes individu•s codifican una respuesta concreta dentro de la misma categoría aplicando el manual de codificación. Antonovsky, Aaron (1985). Health, Stress and Doping, San Francisco, Jossey-Bass Publishers. Una codificación exitosa depende de varios factores: el sistema de categorías debe deducirse del planteamiento teórico de una investigación y la construcción de las hipótesis. Las categorías deben ser definidas de forma clara y permitir la integración de toda la gama de respuestas dadas por los informantes. Su construcción debe guiarse por el principio de clasificación unitaria. Dentro de un sistema categorial cada categoría es independiente de las demás. Sólo de esta forma se garantiza una codificación apropiada de las respuestas y se evitan traslapes y ambigüedades. Una rigurosa codificación constituye la base imprescindible para el posterior procesamiento estadístico. Beck, Ulrich (1986). Risikogesellschaft - auf dem Weg in eine andere Modeme, Frankfurt am Main, Fischer. Blasi, A. (1988). "ldentity and the development of the self", en K.O. Lapsley y F.C. Power (Eds.), Self, ego and identity. Integrative approaches, New Cork, Springer, pp. 226-242. Dreher, E. y M. Dreher (1985). "Entwicklungsaufgaben im Jugendalter: Bedeutsamkeit und Bewaltigungskonzepte ", en D. Liepmann y A. Stiksrud (eds.), Entwicklungsaufgaben und Bewaltigungsprobleme in der Adoleszenz, Gottingen, Hogrefe, pp. 56-70. Eisenstadt, S. N. (1956). From Generation to Generation, Glencoe, II, The Free Press (aleman: Von Generation zu Generation, München, Juventa, 1966). Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity. Youtb and Crisis, New Cork, Norton (aleman: Jugend und Krisis, Weinheim, K.lett-Cotta, 1981). Fend, H. (1997). Der Umgang mit Schule in der Adoleszenz: Aufbau und Verlust von Lernmotivation, Selbstachtung und Empathie, Bem, Huber. Flammer, A. y F. D. Alsaker (2002). Entwicklungspsychologie der Adoleszenz: die ErschlieBung innerer und auBerer Welten im Jugendalter, Bern, Gottingen, Huber. Havighurst, R. J. (1952). Developmental Tasks and Education, (2nd ed.) New Cork, Longmans, Green and Co. Holsti, O. R. ( 1969). Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities, Reading/Mass., Addison-Wesley. �244 / Consideraciones metodológicas acerca de la investigación cualitativa en la orientación vocacióna/ Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Joumal primavera--0/oño/ springfa/12004, lvL6, Num. I y 21 245 Huschke-Rhein, Rolf (1998). Systemische Erziehungswissenschaft. Padagogik als Beratungswissenschaft, Weinheim, Deutscher StudienVerlag. Sobrado Fernández, Luis (1996). "Formación y profesionalización de orientadores: Modelos y Procesos", Revista Electrónica de Investigación y Evaluación Educativa, vol. 2, no. 2. Krause, Ch. y V. Müller-Benedict (1997). "Ergebnisse und Probleme qualitativer Datenanalysen im Kontext eines Programmes zur Gesundheitsforderung ", Empirische Padagogik, vol. 11, no. 1, pp. 31-61. ogy", New Directions for Child Development, vol. 30, pp. 5-24. Krause, Christina (2000). "Children 's Self-Worth and Health in Primary School", Psychologie & Education, Zeitschrift der Schweizerischen Vereinigung für Kinder- und Jugendpsychologie, no. 1, vol. 26, pp. 114127. ------- (2003). "Yo soy yo' - Promover la salud reforzando la autovaloración. Resultados y problemas de un proyecto de investigación en apoyo a los niños de primaria", Perspectivas Sociales - Social Perspectives, University ofTexas at Arlington, University of Texas at Austin, Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, vol. 5, no. 1, primavera/spring 2003, pp. 61-88. Lisch, R. y J. Kriz (1978). Grundlagen und Modelle der Inhaltsanalyse. Bestandsaufnahme und Kritik, Frankfurt am Main, rororo. Merten, K. (1983). Inhaltsanalyse: Einführung in Theorie, Methode und Praxis, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag. Rosenmayr, L. (1972). "New theoretical approaches to the sociological study ofyoung people", International Sociological Science Journal, 24 (reeditado en H. V. Kraemer (ed.), Youth and Culture, San Francisco, Brooks and Cole, pp. 352-387). Serrano García, Javier; M. Esteban y Juana María Valdés (1999). Orientación Vocacional, Toluca, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México. Schneewind, Klaus Alfred y Lutz von Rosenstiel (1992). Wandel der Familia, (Münchener Universitatszeitschriften: Psychologie und Padagogik). Gottingen, Hogrefe. Waterman, A. S. (1985). "ldentity in the context ofadolescent psychol- World Health Organization (OMS) (1946). Constitution, Genf, WHO. �Revista Perspecffvas Sociales I Social Perspectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño I springfa/12004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 I EVENTOS FUTUROS/ UPCOMING EVENTS 247 �Revista Pi!T$peclivas Sociales / Social Pmpectives Joumal primavera-<Jtoñol spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num. I y 2 / 249 UT-AUSTIN SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK Toe Art of Clinical Supervision: A Series for Social Work Supervisors (Jan-Apr) $425 for EARLY REGISTRATION by 1/8/2005. LOCATION: Room 2.132 School of Social Work, UT-Austin SCHEDULE: Lunch included on aU day workshops. Module 1: Fri., January 21 st, 9:00- 5:00 p.m & Sat., January 22nd, 9:00-1 :00 p.m. Module 2: Fri., February 11 th, 9:00-5:00 p.m & Sat., February 12th, 9:00-1 :00 p.m. Module 3: Saturday, April 9th, 9:00-5:00 p.m. Module 4: Saturday, April 23rd, 9:00-5:00 p.m. PRESENTERS: Alicia Garces, LCSW and Bonnie Bain, LCSW Bonnie Bain is a clinical professor at the School of Social Work at The University of Texas at Austin. She also maintains a private practice and is committed to the concept that a career combining social work practice with social work education is beneficia! to both students and clients. Alicia Garces has provided short-term therapy to college students at the Counseling and Mental Health Center at The University of Texas at Austin since 1996. Ms. Garces also provides clinical supervision to social work intems and social work p-aduates for licensure and psychology practica. �250 Revista P=¡,ectivas Sacia/es I Sacial Perspectives Joumal primavera-otoño/ spring-jall 2004, WJ/.6, Num. J y 2 / WORKSHOP DESCRIPTION: This 40 hour series is accepted by the Texas State Board of Social Work Examiners to meet training qualification to supervise candidates for LCSW licensure. Participants must attend the full 40 hours to meet the requirements to be an approved supervisor for LCSW candidates. The workshops will be collaborative experiential and interactive with an emphasis on practical applications and skill building. Toe time between each workshop will enable participants to reflect on and experiment with new ideas and skills. CEU's: 4.0 CEU/40 contact hours approved for Social Workers; Quali:fies for .3 CEUs toward ethics requirements. For more information, visit the University ofTexas at Austin Scbool of Social Work Website: http://www.utexas.edu/ssw/calendar 251 THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK Toe University of Texas at Arlington through its office of professional development offers on-line social work courses via internet as well as workshops at its Arlington, Texas location. You may visit the following website address for registration and more detailed information. PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM OFFERING SOCIAL WORK CONTINUING EDUCATION http://www2.uta.edu/ssw/pd voice: 817-272-3921 fax: 817-272-5218 On-line Courses Througb tbe Internet! Ethics Treatment Planning: A How-to Guide Supervision Skills Substance Use, Abuse, and Addiction Introduction to DSM-IV Guide to Psychotherapeutic Medications Mild Traumatic Brain Injury Employee Performance Evaluations Handling Hostility in Clients Ethics of Advocacy Trends in Chemical Introduction to DSM-IV Dependency Contact Us for Information of Additional Courses to be Offered! �252 Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Perspectives Journal primaver(l-{)toño / springfa/1 2004, Vol 6, Num. ¡ y 2 ¡ La Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León 253 CONVOCATORIA CONVOCA A todos los investigadores, docentes, profesionales y estudiantes interesados en las políticas sociales y la construcción del bienestar social a que sometan ponencias al 11 Coloquio Internacional Sobre Políticas Sociales Sectoriales Estado, ciudadanía y participación Que se realizará los días 18 y 19 de agosto de 2005 en el Auditorio de la Biblioteca Raúl Rangel Frías de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, en Monterrey, Nuevo León, México. Áreas temáticas: • Pobreza y desarrollo social • Familia y género • Participación ciudadana • Desarrollo urbano y vivienda • Educación y cultura • Salud • Grupos vulnerables • Empleo y seguridad social Los interesados en someter a evaluación una ponencia deberán enviar un resumen de entre 350 y 500 palabras antes del 20 de febrero de 2005 a la siguiente dirección electrónica lavila@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx Se aceptarán trabajos de investigación, de análisis de políticas sociales y contribuciones teóricas. Los mejores trabajos serán publicados en un libro. Los interesados en que su trabajo sea evaluado para su posible publicación deberán enviar su texto completo, no mayor de 20 cuartillas (Word, letra 12), antes del 4 de marzo de 2005 a la misma dirección electrónica arriba señalada. Para mayor información por favor comuníquese con la Lic. Lydia Ávila Zárate a los teléfonos (81) 8352-1309 y (81) 8376-9177 o a alguna de las siguientes direcciones de correo electrónico: lavila@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx mribeiro@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx relopez@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx "CALIDAD DE VIDA EN LA FRONTERA MEXICO-EUA" MARZO 18-19, 2005 1ml UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE NUEVO LEÓN FACULTAD DE TRABAJO SOCIAL RECEPCIÓN DE ABSTRACTS 31 DE ENERO, 2005 El Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León a través del Consejo d~ Desarrollo Social, y la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León a través de la Facultad de Trabajo Social CONVOCAN Investigadores científico-sociales a participar en el XVI CONGRESO de la Asociación Río Bravo sobre el tema: �254 Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Joumal primavera-ctoiío / springfa/12004, 11,/.6, Num. / y 2 / "CALIDAD DE VIDA EN LA FRONTERA l\1EXICO-ESTADOS UNIDOS" 18 y 19 de Marzo de 2005 Biblioteca Magna Raúl Rangel Frías Ciudad Universitaria de la UANL Av. Alfonso Reyes 4000, San Nicolás de los Garza, N.L. 255 Las ponencias aceptadas formarán parte de las Memorias del Congreso. Las ponencias recibidas serán consideradas para su publicación en un número de la revista Perspectivas Sociales de la Facultad de Trabajo Social de la UANL. La información sobre hoteles y otros servicios se brindará por parte del Comité Organizador. El concepto de calidad de vida es un factor presente en muchos ámbitos de la vida social. Por ejemplo, las peliticas públicas fundamentan su razon de ser en la búsqueda de un desarrollo de sus pobladores; la calidad de vida remite a principios filosófices, políticos, económicos y sociales que engloban a casi todos los ámbitos de la vida humana: la educación, la salud, el proceso de urbanización, la migración. El formato de inscripción se enviará a los participantes y deberá ser llenado y re-enviado a algún miembro del Comité Organizador Mayore~informescon: COMITEORGANIZADOR TEMATICAS: • Pobreza y desigualdad • Desarrollo económico y medioambiente • El bienestar social, de quién? • Campo, ciudad y su calidad de vida Dra. María Elena Ramos Tovar jibarra@att.net.mx Tel. (81) 8352-1309 ext. 227 • Grupos de edad y su vulnerabilidad • Procesos migratorios • Condiciones de trabajo y el impacto en su salud División de Estudios de Posgrado Facultad de Trabajo Social Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León BASES La asociación Río Bravo aceptará resúmenes, manuscritos, mesas redondas o sesiones completas hasta enero 31, 2005. Exhortamos a estudiantes a someter sus trabajos. Los resúmenes deberán ser de entre 250-500 palabras y deberán resumir los puntos clave, deberán enviarse vía correo electrónico a las siguientes direcciones: vsieglin@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx (atención Veronika Sieglin) y jibarra@att.net.mx (atención Maria Elena Ramos Tovar) El Comité Organizador informará a los solicitantes su aceptación por fax o correo electrónico, a más tardar el día 15 de febrero de 2005. Dra. Verónica Sieglin vsieglin@ccr.dsi.uanl.mx Tel. (81) 8352-1309 ext. 229 División de Estudios de Posgrado Facultad de Trabajo Social Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León �Revista Perspectivas Sociales / Social Perspectives Jouma/ primaverQ-()toño I spring-fa/1 2004, Vo/.6, Num I y 2 / SYMPOSIUM 257 Convocatoria a someter artículos a 'Social Perspectives/Perspectivas Sociales "Quality of Life in the México U.S. Borderland" MARCH 18-19, 2005 Social Perspectives/Perspectivas Sociales es una revista bilingüe y binacional que invita a trabajadores sociales y científicos sociales a someter manuscritos para ser editados durante el 2005. La revista constituye un proyecto conjunto de la Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, México, Toe School of Social Work at the University of Texas at Austin y Toe University of Texas at Arlington. Buscamos artículos que se enfocan en temas relacionadas con la frontera México-Estados Unidos y las personas que se desplazan en ambas direcciones; tópicos de importancia para la práctica del trabajo social que refieren a aspectos comunes entre ambas naciones en tomo a individuo, familia y comunidad; aspectos comunes entre ambas naciones acerca de las políticas sociales, la formación del trabajo social; e investigaciones científico-sociales acerca de las condiciones sociales. Se da una especial bienvenida a trabajos que analizan prácticas innovadoras, presentan resultados de estudios empíricos y que revisan críticamente políticas y programas de desarrollo social. Se alienta asimismo a trabajos interdisciplinarios e internacionales. Los artículos se publican en ingles o español con un resumen en ambos idiomas. Los trabajos sometidos serán dictaminados por miembros del Comité Editorial y del Comité Científico de la revista. Los manuscritos deben tener como extensión mínima 1Opáginas y máximo 30 a espacio l _. El manuscrito típico tiene alrededor de 20 páginas incluidos el resumen (300-350 palabras) y la bibliografia. UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE NUEVO LEÓN School of Social Work Abstracts Due January 31, 2005 Los autores pueden enviar sus artículos a: Veronika Sieglin, co-editora Profesora Titular Depto. de Posgrado Facultad de Trabajo Socia Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Ciudad Universitaria San Nicolás de los Garza, N.L. México Tel. 00-52-(81 )-83-52-13-09 exL 229 María Elena Ramos Tovar, co-editora Profesora Titular Depto. de Posgrado Facultad de Trabajo Social Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Ciudad Universitaria San Nicolás de los Garza, N.L. México Tel. 00-52-(81)-83-52-13-09 ext 227 �258 Revista Perspectivas Sociales I Social Penpectives Jouma/ primavera-otoño/ springfa/1 21XJ4. Vo/.6, Nton. Jy 21 CALL FOR PAPERS Social Perspectives/Perspectivas Sociales Social Perspectives/Perspectivas Sociales, a bilingual, bi-national journal, is seeking manuscripts to be published in 2005. Toe journal is a joint project of the Facultad de Trabajo Social of the Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo Leon, Mexico, Toe Worden School of Social Service of Our Lady of the Lake University, the School ofSocial Work at the University ofTexas atAustin and Toe University ofTexas at Arlington. We are seeking papers that focus on issues connected to the U.S.- Mexico border and the persons moving in both directions across that border, social work practice issues that are common to individuals, families and communities in both nations, social policy issues that are common to both nations, social work education relevant to both nations, and research on social conditions with implications to both nations. Papers describing innovative practices, empirical research, policy and program developments are welcomed. lnterdisciplinary and intemational papers are encouraged. PUBLICACIÓN CUATRIMESTRAL, VOL. XVI, NO. 30, MAYO -AGOSTO DE 2004 La cláusula de gobernabilidad y la representación proporcional en el Congreso de Sinaloa, 1998 - 2001. Gustavo Ernesto Emmerich Xóchitl López Ulloa El discurso en salud. La Cruzada Nacional por la Calidad: una mirada sociológica. María del Carmen Castro V. Articles can be printed in Spanish or English with abstracts in both languages. Submissions will be reviewed by members ofthe editorial review panel with at least one review by a reviewer in Mexico and one in the United States. Manuscripts may range from 5- 30 pages, typed, double-spaced pages depending on the content. The typical manuscript is about 20 pages including references and abstract. Articles for consideration should be sent to: Lori K. Holleran, Co-Editor Assistant Professor The University ofTexas atAustin School of Social Work 1925 San Jacinto Blvd. Austin, TX 78712 (512) 232-9330 lorikay@mail.utexas.edu Cora Le-Doux, Co-editor Professor Our Lady of the Lake University Worden School of Social Service 411 S.W. 24th Street San Antonio, TX 78207-46-89 (210) 434-6711 ext. 2228 ledoc@ lake.ollusa.edu Héctor Díaz, Ph.D. Assistant Professor School of Social Work, UT-Arlington bdiaz@ uta.edu School of Social Work, UT-Arlington Box 19129 211 S. Cooper St. Arlington, Texas 76019-0129 Evaluación estratégica del desarrollo forestal sustentable en Chihuahua, México. Concepción Luján Álvarez Jesús Miguel Olivas García José Eduardo Magaña Magaña La minería y la comercialización del ónix mármol de Baja California, 1890-1958. Lawrence Douglas Taylor Hansen La deslocalización de la producción en la era global: diferencias regionales en la industria maquiladora de México. Anne Fouquet G. El horizonte epistémico del cuerpo. Lourdes C. Pacheco Ladrón de Guevara Suscripciones: rvejar@colson.edu.mx Informes: region@colson.edu.mx Obregón No. 54, Col. Centro, C. P. 83000, Hermosillo, Sonora, México. Teléfono 01 {662) 212 65 51 Fax: 212 50 21 http://www.colson.edu.mx/ 259 ���• • • The Supporr for Future .. - . • •• • • • .- mo9e o; the lnoion m Mex1c 1/eo".a Sen :dt-Díoz de León •• -- - . • • •emes y préci•cos cunumle • • • • • • • • � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Perspectivas Sociales = social perspectives Description An account of the resource Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Facultad de Trabajo Social, publicada en la década de los noventa. Editada por Emma Adame W., Luis Leñero O, Ma. Del Carmen Elú, Víctor Zúñiga y Rodolfo Garza. Contiene artículos de investigación científica sobre educación, trabajo social, ciencias sociales, psicología, etcétera. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Título Uniforme Perspectivas Sociales = social perspectives Año de publicación El año cuando se publico 2004 Volumen Volumen de la revista 6 Número Número de la revista 1-2 Mes de publicación Mes cuando se publicó Primavera-Otoño Día Día del mes de la publicación 1 Periodicidad La periodicidad de la publicación (diaria, semanal, mensual, anual) Semestral Relación OPAC https://www.codice.uanl.mx/RegistroBibliografico/InformacionBibliografica?from=BusquedaAvanzada&bibId=1753308&biblioteca=0&fb=20000&fm=6&isbn= Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Perspectivas Sociales : Social Perspectives, 2004, Vol 6, No 1-2, Primavera-Otoño Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cárdenas G. de Silva, Rosa María Subject The topic of the resource Ciencias Sociales Investigación Trabajo social Educación Psicología social Description An account of the resource Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Facultad de Trabajo Social, publicada en la década de los noventa. Editada por Emma Adame W., Luis Leñero O, Ma. Del Carmen Elú, Víctor Zúñiga y Rodolfo Garza. Contiene artículos de investigación científica sobre educación, trabajo social, ciencias sociales, psicología, etcétera. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Universidad de Nuevo León, Facultad de Trabajo Social ; Austin Texas, School of social wook, University of Texas at Austin Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Sieglin, Veronika, Editora Holleran, Lori, Editor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 01/04/2004 Type The nature or genre of the resource Revista Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource tex/pdf Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2016258 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Fondo Universitario Language A language of the resource spa/eng Spatial Coverage Spatial characteristics of the resource. Monterrey, N.L., (México) Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. El diseño y los contenidos de La hemeroteca Digital UANL están protegidos por la Ley de derechos de autor, Cap. III. De dominio público. Art. 152. Las obras del dominio público pueden ser libremente utilizadas por cualquier persona, con la sola restricción de respetar los derechos morales de los respectivos autores Alcohol Desarrollo urbano Hispanos Indocumentadas Inmigrantes Latinas Orientación vocacional Pobreza Puertoriqueños Servicios sociales Trabajo social VIH